DPRK brilliant over the world

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) was founded on September 9, 1948, more than six decades ago.

The founding of the DPRK was an event of historic significance as it ushered in a road of building a socialist state of unique style centered on the masses of the people in Korea. Since its founding, the Korean people have eliminated centuries-old backwardness and poverty and built a powerful socialist state independent, self-sufficient and self-reliant in defense.

Politico-ideological and military power

The DPRK has consistently adhered to the principles of maintaining Juche in ideology, independence in politics, self-sufficiency in the economy and self-reliance in national defense.

Regarding the Juche idea founded by President Kim Il Sung and comprehensively systematized by leader Kim Jong Il as the only guiding ideology, it has thoroughly applied it to all state activities. In this country, all the people have been firmly armed with the Juche idea and the whole society has been modeled on one ideology.

It is administering an independent politics which solves all the problems in line with the Juche idea, giving the first consideration to the revolution of its own country and the interests of its own people, and relying on its own efforts suitable to its actual situation. In the closing years of the last century when socialism collapsed one after another in the former Soviet Union and other countries, the DPRK invariably held fast to the banner of socialism. This fact brought home to the international community how firmly the DPRK champions independence. The present reality, in which it steers the drive to make the world independent, displaying its sovereignty and dignity in confrontation with the allied imperialist forces single-handed, also strikes the world community that this country, small as it is, is a politico-ideological power not to be reckoned with.

The DPRK is a military power no one dares to provoke. It has the Korean People’s Army displaying its might as an invincible army and established a reliable system of all-people, nationwide defense with the KPA as its core, an integral whole of the army and the people which can never be broken even by means of nukes, and a powerful national defense industry capable of manufacturing any state-of-the-art weaponry as it wishes.

The DPRK, for its national defense, has consistently pursued the lines of turning the entire army into an army of cadres, modernizing the whole army, arming all the people and fortifying the whole land.

In the course of implementing the requirements of the lines of turning the whole army into cadres and modernizing it, the KPA has developed into an invincible armed force fully provided with both powerful offensive and defensive means, whose soldiers are well versed in modern military science, technique and tactics and proficient in using state-of-the-art weapons and other combat equipment. The lines of arming the entire people and turning the whole country into a fortress are carried out on a high level, with the result that all the Koreans have been fully prepared to deal a crushing blow to aggressors in case of emergency, together with servicepersons, and strong defense positions have been built up in all parts of the country so as to turn it into an impregnable fortress. In the closing years of the last century socialism collapsed in some countries all at once, and the allied imperialist forces directed the spearhead of their anti-socialist offensive to the DPRK. Even under such grave situation the DPRK held higher the banner of Songun and has carried out the line of economic construction on giving priority to the development of national defense industry and thus provided itself with the most reliable war deterrent.

Towards economic power

As it has already held the position of a politico-ideological power and a military giant, the DPRK is now striving for the building of an economic power. Once it hits the goal of an economic power, it can be said to be a great, prosperous and powerful nation both in name and reality.

Over a decade ago it set the building of a thriving nation as its national target and has so far stepped up its economic construction. Gigantic land realignment projects were carried out on a nationwide scale, hydroelectric power stations mushroomed in different parts of the country and the modernization campaign swept over the industrial establishments across the country.

The flames of a new revolutionary upsurge for the building of an economic power are spreading over this country, bringing about miraculous successes one after another.

Kwangmyongsong No. 1, the first artificial satellite, was launched successfully in 1998 to be followed by another one Kwangmyongsong No. 2 last year, drawing the limelight of the world community. The Songjin Steel Complex located in the northeastern part completed a Juche-based steel-making system of using no cokes and iron scraps. A large number of factories and enterprises have widely introduced the CNC technology, bringing about eye-opening changes in the field of industry as a whole. The builders of Huichon Power Station, one of the main fronts in building an economic power, opened up a sure prospect for finishing only a few years the project which would take more than ten years. The February 8 Vinalon Complex is mass-producing vinalon cotton, while the Namhung Youth Chemical Complex producing fertilizer by completing the anthracite gasification of ultramodern standard. All these facts show how nearer the Koreans have come to hit the above-said goal.

All the Koreans are now out to dynamically launch the general offensive to fling open the gate to a great, prosperous and powerful nation in 2012 marking the centenary of birth of President Kim Il Sung, father of socialist Korea, as intended by leader Kim Jong Il. This is the appearance of the DPRK today.

LET US REALIZE THE COUNTRY ‘S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY

THROUGH THE UNITED EFFORT OF THE WHOLE NATION

Talk to the Overseas Compatriots Who Attended the Third Pan-National Rally

August 19, 1992

I am very pleased to meet you, overseas compatriots who have attended the Third Pan-National Rally for Peace and Reunification of the Country.

I highly praise and warmly congratulate you on the successful Third Pan-National Rally. Although no one from the south has par­ticipated in the rally, the Pan-National Rally was a historical event as it set up an important milestone in expanding and developing the national reunification movement to a higher stage.

You wished me and Comrade Kim Jong Il long life in good health, saying that you will reunify the country in the 1990s at any cost and have me and Comrade Kim Jong Il in the square of reunifi­cation. I am very grateful for this.

Reunifying the country is the supreme national task of our peo­ple, one that brooks no further delay. We must reunify the country as soon as possible and thereby fulfil the ardent desire of the whole nation. If the country is reunified, our people can enjoy a happy life envious of no one. Although its territory is not large, our country is bounded by sea on three sides, it has an abundance of underground resources, and its population is 70 million. This being the situation, if we develop the economy rapidly in the reunified country, it will immediately rank among the developed countries.

To all intents and purposes, national reunification must be achieved on the basis of the three principles—independence, peace­ful reunification and great national unity. I advanced these principles in the early 1970s; we can reunify the country only when we rely on these principles.

To win the cause of national reunification, we should, first of all, hold fast to the principle of national independence.

It is impossible to reunify the country if we depend on foreign forces. At the moment some countries support the reunification of our country in words, but in actual fact they do not want our country to be reunified. They can do anything as they please in our country only when it is divided, so they prefer division, though not overtly, to the reunification of our country. Therefore, we should not attempt to reunify the country with the help of others.

As our experience shows, it is very important to solve every problem arising in the revolution and construction independently and in one¡¯s own fashion. Over the past years we waged the war against US imperialism in our own way and also carried out socialist construction in our own way.

During the Fatherland Liberation War, those who had returned from the Soviet Union insisted on Soviet tactics of warfare and those from China advocated Chinese tactics. I told them that we must fight the enemy with the Korean-style tactics, not Soviet-style or Chinese-style. The Soviet tactics of retreating, giving up a large territory, and counterattacking—the tactics created during the Second World War—did not suit the conditions in our country, with its small terri­tory. If we had retreated in the wrong way in the condition of our country, we could have lost the whole territory to the enemy. The Chinese style of tactics was a mobile one, fighting always on the move; it did not suit our country, either. So I made up my mind to fight the enemy by drawing on the Juche-orientated tactics suited to the actual situation of our country and, objecting to the insistence of the great-power worshippers and dogmatists, put forward the slogan ¡°Don¡¯t yield even an inch of land to the enemy.¡± In those days I told the commanding personnel of the People¡¯s Army to fight as much as possible mountain warfare to suit the terrain of our country, saying that at meals the Soviet people use forks, Chinese people chopsticks and Korean people spoons, and likewise we should fight the enemy in our own fashion. The commanding personnel fully supported my tactics, saying it was quite reasonable.

In the days of the war, dogmatists bought quite a number of direct-firing guns from the Soviet Union, but they were not put into effective use. Howitzers were more necessary than direct-firing guns in our mountainous country. We could annihilate the enemy beyond the mountains only with howitzers.

Our victory won in the war is ascribable to the fact that we thor­oughly opposed worship of great powers and dogmatism and fought with Juche-orientated tactics suited to the actual conditions of our country.

In the postwar days, too, we built socialism by our own efforts in accordance with the conditions of our country and without rely­ing on others. At one point modern revisionists brought pressure to bear upon us that we enter the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), but we did not, saying that we would live our own way. We have been quite right to have solved all problems arising in socialist construction by our own efforts with the revo­lutionary spirit of self-reliance and fortitude and without entering the CMEA. In recent years socialism has collapsed in the erst­while Soviet Union and East European countries, but it is winning victory after victory in our country without the slightest vacilla­tion. It is just because we have built socialism in our own way without depending on others. Had it depended on another country like the former socialist countries in Eastern Europe, our country would already have been ruined.

When I met some days ago the south Korean people who were on their visit to Pyongyang, I told them that we always solve all prob­lems arising in the revolution and construction in our own way as required by the Juche idea.

Foreigners, too, recognize that we were right to have solved these problems by our own efforts as suited to the actual conditions of our country, holding aloft the banner of the Juche idea.

An American, who had been the US ambassador to Japan, once wrote an article on our country. He had studied our country for a long time. He wrote: President Kim Il Sung of north Korea waged a struggle under the banner of independence from his first days of rev­olution; during the Korean war in the early 1950s he solved all prob­lems independently and in his own way; therefore it is useless to try to infuse any idea into north Korea; the south Korean authorities are clamouring for ¡°reunification through absorbing the north¡±, but they might possibly be absorbed by the north.

We should thoroughly reject dependence on foreign forces and realize national reunification through our own efforts by maintaining the stand of national independence.

The basic guarantee for the self-determined and peaceful realiza­tion of national reunification is to achieve the great unity of the whole nation. Unity is the fundamental factor in all victories. If all Korean people in the north, south and abroad wage struggle, firmly united under the banner of great national unity, they will be able to realize national reunification in the 1990s by overcoming the present difficult situation.

In the course of leading the revolution and construction I have at all times given primary effort to achieving national unity. For nearly 70 years—from the day when I started revolutionary activities after organizing the Down-with-Imperialism Union in Huadian until today—I have done my best to realize the national united front and promoted the revolution and construction successfully by relying on the united effort of the nation.

In the period of revolutionary struggle to defeat Japanese imperi­alism and liberate the country, I put forward the line of the anti-Japanese national united front and made a positive effort for its real­ization.

Soon after organizing the anti-Japanese guerrilla army I, in com­mand of its main unit, marched toward southern Manchuria to effect a united front with Ryang Se Bong¡¯s unit of the Independence Army. Before leaving for southern Manchuria, I met my mother and told her that it was said Ryang Se Bong was commander of an Inde­pendence Army unit and I would go with my unit to southern Manchuria to form a united front with him. She said it was a good idea. To tell the truth, our people, if they were scattered here and there without realizing unity, could not defeat the heavily armed Japanese imperialists. Independence campaigners who were active abroad in those days, however, failed to achieve unity for this or that reason, and were separated from one another. I decided to form a united front first with Ryang Se Bong and on this basis with all the anti-Japanese forces. In Tonghua I met him and he gave us an enthu­siastic welcome, an expression of his pleasure at meeting us. He had been on very intimate terms with my father. He had taken part in the funeral ceremony for my father. When I proposed the issue of the united front to him, he was at first interested. But, taken in by his staff officer¡¯s plot to create dissension, he refused to join hands with us. The staff officer, a Japanese imperialists¡¯ spy infiltrated into his unit, drove a wedge into our united front, telling Ryang Se Bong that the anti-Japanese guerrilla army was planning to win the soldiers of the Independence Army to its side and even one mistake would result in losing the whole unit. From his words and behaviour I saw that he was a spy of Japanese imperialism. But Ryang Se Bong, unaware of his true colour, accepted his words as true. Believing that, though he declined to join hands with us at that time, he would without fail join hands with us some time in the future, I left there and went to eastern Manchuria via Liuhe and Mengjiang.

The foundation of the Association for the Restoration of the Fatherland (ARF) marked a decisive turn in carrying out the line of the anti-Japanese national united front. I founded the ARF, an orga­nized body of the anti-Japanese national united front, in Dongjiang in May 1936. I personally drafted its programme, rules and inaugu­ral declaration. Its inaugural declaration was made public under the names of some patriotic figures and mine, and I signed it under the assumed name of Kim Tong Myong. As I was still young and my name was not widely known at that time, it was better for me to sign under an assumed name.

As the ARF was founded and its programme and declaration were circulated, many units of the Independence Army and anti-Japanese campaigners who had been scattered all around came to us. The unit of the Independence Army which had been commanded by Ryang Se Bong also came after the ARF was founded. After Ryang¡¯s death, Kim Hwal Sok had been commander of the unit and, worshipping the Kuomintang of Jiang Jie-shi, he tried to establish contact with it. Informed of this, the Japanese imperialists infiltrated their spy into the unit by disguising him as an envoy of Jiang Jie-shi. Kim Hwal Sok took as true the spy¡¯s words that Jiang Jie-shi would like to meet him and followed him. On their way they dropped in at a house and slept there. Awakened, he found that it was a police sta­tion of the Japanese imperialists. The Japanese imperialists put him to sleep by giving him a drugged drink and arrested him as soon as he woke up next morning. So he died an undeserved death at the hands of the Japanese imperialists. Choe Yun Gu succeeded him as commander of the unit and he came to us with the remaining sol­diers.

In the days of the anti-Japanese armed struggle I also devoted great efforts to forming a united front with Chondoists. In those days there lived many believers in Chondoism in the areas where the anti-Japanese guerrillas were active. With a view to rallying Chondoists under the banner of anti-Japanese imperialism, I conducted active work with the people in the lower echelon of the Chondoist faith and at the same time promoted the work of educating those in the upper echelon and winning them over. Pak In Jin, head of Chondoism in South Hamgyong Province, was in charge of the Chondoists in Pukchong, Phungsan, Kapsan, Samsu and other counties of the province. We worked with him efficiently and admitted him into the ARF. We then rallied many Chondoists under his influence into an anti-Japanese force. Not only in South Hamgyong Province, but also in Pyoktong, Changsong and Uiju in North Phyongan Province there were many Chondoist believers. We inspired them to rise up in the anti-Japanese struggle, joining hands with us. Nearly all the believ­ers in the Chondoist faith, except those in Choe Rin¡¯s faction, joined hands with us in the days of Japanese imperialist colonial rule. Choe Rin claimed that the independence of Korea should be achieved by gaining autonomy with the assent of Japan. It was preposterous. Pak In Jin and other Chondoists of conscience opposed Choe¡¯s ¡°theory of independence¡±, saying that it was absurd, and gave active support to our armed struggle. Pak¡¯s wife is still alive and she would be 93 years old this year. I once met the bereaved families of the anti-Japanese revolutionary martyrs; she was among them. She looked healthy for her age.

We could enjoy active support and encouragement from the broad sections of the masses in the days of the anti-Japanese armed struggle because we efficiently conducted united front work with people from all walks of life. They sent our guerrilla army food, clothing and many other goods, despite enemy oppression and surveillance. In those days it was not easy to aid the guerrillas. The Japanese imperialists built internment villages in the areas on the Tuman River and other places where the anti-Japanese guerrillas were active so as to prevent the people from aiding guerrillas. They forced peasants to report to them the crop yield every year and even confirmed it themselves, walking around fields carrying swords at their waists. But still the peasants sent provisions to the guerrillas behind their backs. They collected creepers from potato fields in autumn to make it look like they had harvested potatoes and told the guerrillas about it so that they could dig out potatoes. And they picked maize unhulled and kept it in store built in the mountains so that the guerrillas could carry it away. In case we failed to dig all the potatoes in those fields, we would leave them as they were and dig up frozen potatoes the next spring.

We could liberate the country as we rallied all the anti-Japanese patriotic forces under the banner of the national united front and fought against Japanese imperialism enjoying active support and encouragement from the broad sections of the masses.

After liberation I continued to channel great efforts to realize national unity.

At the speech I made at the rally held to congratulate my tri­umphal return after liberation, I, illuminating the road for the coun­try to take, called on all people, who love their country, nation and democracy, to unite as one and make an active contribution to the building of the country—those with strength dedicating their strength, those with knowledge contributing their knowledge and those with money donating money. I promoted the building of a new democratic country by relying on the united effort of the people of all strata.

Along with this, I met with many personages, from all walks of life in south Korea, to prevent the country and nation from being divided and to reunify the country. After liberation Ryo Un Hyong, Ho Hon and many other figures visited us from south Korea. Ryo Un Hyong made great efforts to reunify the country before being assassinated by the enemy. He was the first to send me a letter from south Korea immediately after liberation. He visited Pyongyang on several occasions, and on one of those visits he said he would send his children to me and asked me to bring them up if it was not trou­blesome for me as he did not know what would happen to him on his return to south Korea. I said it would not be burdensome as his children were all grown up and advised him to send them to me. It seemed he predicted that something fateful would happen to him in south Korea. It was fortunate for him to have sent his two daughters to me. It is quite clear what would have happened to them if they had not come to me. Assassinated by the enemy, he failed to partici­pate in the north-south joint conference.

The Joint Conference of the Representatives of the Political Par­ties and Social Organizations in North and South Korea was held in Pyongyang in April 1948, a pan-national meeting in which the repre­sentatives of the north and south gathered in one place for the first time after liberation and discussed measures to save the nation. Thanks to our active efforts, many representatives from south Korea took part in this conference. Representatives of nearly all political parties and public organizations in south Korea, except the political party of Syngman Rhee, attended this meeting, and among them were Kim Ku and Kim Kyu Sik. You must have learned this on your visit to the Ssuksom Revolutionary Historical Site where the United Front Tower is standing; after the joint conference ended I took Kim Ku and other figures from south Korea to Ssuk Islet and discussed with them the direction of future activities. That day I stressed once again the important matters discussed in the joint conference, including the matter of waging an active struggle to achieve national unity on their return to south Korea and the matter of checking and frus­trating the ¡°separate election¡± of Syngman Rhee. In defiance of objections from the whole nation, Syngman Rhee effected the ¡°sepa­rate election¡± by force at the instigation of the US imperialists.

Although he was elected ¡°president¡± with backing from foreign forces, he did not enjoy support from the people. During the ¡°presi­dential¡± elections held in 1956, Jo Pong Am, leader of the Progres­sive Party, ran against Syngman Rhee. He obtained a few less votes than his opponent. At the first stage many more people casted their vote for him, but Syngman Rhee garnered a mass vote through deceptive and fraudulent means, thereby beating Jo by a small mar­gin. If the ¡°presidential¡± elections had been conducted in a fair way, Jo Pong Am would probably have been elected ¡°president¡±. In view of many people having voted for him, it seems the Progressive Party enjoyed a great influence in south Korea. Jo Pong Am had originally been on intimate terms with Pak Hon Yong; as he broke up with him later, he became ¡°Minister of Agriculture and Forestry¡± in the pup­pet government of Syngman Rhee. Because he conducted progresssive activities, Syngman Rhee arrested him and executed him on the false charge of maintaining contact with the north. Syngman Rhee arrested and executed all people who looked to be sympathizing with the north or keeping contact with it.

We achieved much success in the work of the national united front for national reunification until 1948, but afterwards no advance worth mentioning was made in this work. Meanwhile, we have made every possible effort to realize the great unity of the nation. For this purpose I have written many works and made many speeches. You, too, have made positive efforts for it in foreign lands. Nevertheless, the complete unity of our nation has not yet been achieved and the national division is continuing because of the separatist manoeuvres and fascist oppression committed by the US imperialists and their south Korean puppets.

We insist on independence, democracy and national reunifica­tion, while the south Korean puppets are following the road of sub­ordination, fascism and division. Antagonism and struggle between the north and south is, in the final analysis, that between patriot and traitor, between the democratic force and the fascist force and between the reunification force and the separatist force.

The south Korean authorities have put south Korea entirely under the subjugation of the United States. The US and south Korean authorities are claiming that south Korea is an ¡°independent state¡±. But how can one call south Korea, which moves under the baton of the United States without exercising sovereignty and independence, an independent state? The south Korean people, too, are of the opin­ion that south Korea is a complete colony of the United States and their ¡°president¡± a puppet. As long as south Korea is under the sub­jugation of the United States, its next ¡°president¡± will have no choice but to play a puppet, with the US pulling the strings. How pitiable it is that the south Korean authorities are acting under the baton of the US with no opinion of their own!

The south Korean authorities are opposed to making the society democratic and are attempting to maintain their ¡°power¡± by resorting to fascist violence. In south Korea, the ¡°National Security Law¡± and other evil fascist laws still remain in force and the south Korean authorities are oppressing patriotic people, including youth and stu­dents, by invoking the ¡°National Security Law¡±.

Opposed to national reunification, they are actively following the US scheme to create ¡°two Koreas¡±. In view of their present conduct, it is clear that they are attempting to divide our country into two for ever. They think that they can crack down on the democratic move­ment in a fascist fashion and remain in power with the support of the US only when the country is divided.

They are dead set against compatriots from the north, south and abroad meeting together to talk about reunification. That the repre­sentatives from the south side failed to attend the Pan-National Rally this time is ascribable to the south Korean authorities¡¯ fascist oppression. They mobilized tens of thousands of police and sup­pressed by force of arms the south-side representatives who were trying to go to the north to participate in this rally.

Nowadays they do not make any positive response to our propos­als to hold a north-south joint conference and political consultative conference.

Recently the man in power in south Korea proposed holding ¡°summit talks¡± to us. I replied: I do not object to such talks; if you want to meet me, bring with you new proposals for reunification; we have already put forward the proposal of reunifying the country through federation and, if you have a proposal better than that, bring it with you; if you have no fresh proposal, you can agree with our proposal of reunifying the country through federation; if the north-south summit talks are held, we should discuss any idea for reunification and it would be meaningless if we only sit face to face, drinking tea or eating noodles before parting. However, he has nei­ther advanced any proposal for reunification nor supported our pro­posal. I was informed that he holds ¡°summit talks¡± frequently on his visits to foreign countries, probably not for the benefit of the country and nation but to sell them.

It seems that the south Korean authorities do not agree with our proposal to reunify the country through federation because the US has not permitted them. The United States does not want our country¡¯s reunification. It is desperately attempting to divide our country into two and demolish our socialist system by instigating the south Korean puppets. Being aware that their attempt to ¡°reunify the country by absorbing the north¡± is impossible to be carried out, the enemy is now resorting to the tactics of isolating and suffocating us. The ¡°policy towards the North¡± advocated by the south Korean authorities is aimed at creating ¡°two Koreas¡± and ostracizing us internationally, and the great fuss raised by the United States on the alleged ¡°nuclear issue¡± is, in the final analysis, aimed at crushing our Republic. Recently the United States picked a quarrel with us on the issue of nuclear inspection; when we insisted on inspecting the US nuclear bases in south Korea simultaneously, it was dumbfounded. To be candid, as we have already been inspected by the International Atomic Energy Agency, the US nuclear bases in south Korea should now be inspected on the basis of impartiality. But, the United States, together with the south Korean authorities, has raised the issue of an ¡°inspection of the same number of sites¡±. This is quite preposterous.

The United States is attempting to create ¡°two Koreas¡± and demolish our socialist system, but it is a wild daydream. Ours is a homogeneous nation with a long history and culture, and no one will ever divide it into two for ever. To mention our socialism, it is fun­damentally different from that of the erstwhile Soviet Union and East European countries. Our socialism is centred on the popular masses. No matter how the US imperialists would manoeuvre to sti­fle us, our socialism will never collapse.

Over the past 50 years we have lived under the pressure and blockade of imperialists. This is why our people do not feel sur­prised or frightened when the US imperialists threaten and blackmail them with something like ¡°economic sanctions¡±. Although socialism has collapsed in the former Soviet Union and East European coun­tries, it does not mean we cannot live on.

We have food to eat, clothes to wear and the best socialist system in the world. Our people do not lead a particularly luxurious life when compared to others, but they enjoy a happy life free from worry about food, clothing, housing, medical treatment and educa­tion.

Our Party is now making efforts to fulfil our people¡¯s centuries-old desire to live on rice and meat soup and in silk clothing and in tile-roofed houses. We are yet to provide our people with enough meat, but we are going to solve this problem.

If we carry out the Party¡¯s agriculture-first policy and increase grain production, we can solve the meat problem; and if we bring about a revolution in light industry, we can produce commodity goods in adequate amounts. Then our people will be better-off than now and the advantages of our style of socialism will be demonstrat­ed on a higher plane.

Peoples from many countries are now visiting our country, say­ing that the Korean style of socialism is the best. Last April alone many delegations, delegates and progressive figures from many countries visited our country to celebrate my 80th birthday. After seeing the realities of our country, they said that, if socialism is to be built, it should be built in the Korean style. At that time, scores of parties including communist parties and workers¡¯ parties adopted in Pyongyang a declaration for safeguarding and advancing the cause of socialism, and signed it. The Pyongyang Declaration, a common fighting programme of revolutionary parties and progressive peoples of the world that aspire after socialism, is demonstrating its viability and correctness ever more graphically as the days go by. Only a few months have passed since the Pyongyang Declaration was adopted and made public, but the number of parties that signed it has now reached 131. This shows that socialism is still alive in the hearts of the people. Although socialism is experiencing temporary setbacks, it will certainly be revived and advance.

Ever-victorious is our style of socialism which embodies the great Juche idea. No one can provoke our socialism in which the leader, the Party and the masses are united single-heartedly and the whole society move as one. The United States thought that our coun­try would soon go to ruin following the East European socialist countries, but it has apparently changed its mind a little recently on realizing the might of our single-hearted unity.

If all the Korean compatriots in the north, south and abroad unite firmly, they can frustrate the obstructive manoeuvres of separatists at home and abroad and achieve national reunification.

Many people in south Korea wish for the unity and reunification of the nation. Those who pursue national division number only a few. A few years ago, the Rev. Mun Ik Hwan, a democratic figure in south Korea, visited Pyongyang. When I met him, I asked him who numbered more in south Korea—those who want independence, democracy and national reunification or those who pursue subordi­nation, fascism and division. He answered that the former composed the majority and the latter constituted a handful. Composing the lat­ter group are only the small number of those in the ruling circle, a small section of the military authorities and some comprador capital­ists. A tiny handful of these separatist forces have seized power in south Korea and are suppressing the progressive forces who aspire for independence, democracy and national reunification. The antago­nism between these two sets of forces is growing acuter with the passage of time, and a fierce struggle is taking place between them. In this light it is important before anything else to define clearly, those who want the country¡¯s reunification and those who pursue national division. As we sort rice, so we should discriminate between the reunification and separatist forces and further expand the reunification forces.

In order to realize the unity of the whole nation, we should actively promote dialogue between compatriots from the north, south and abroad and frequently organize meetings and other activi­ties involving the whole nation.

It would be advisable to hold such meetings either in the form of a north-south joint conference or in the form of a joint conference or political consultative meeting involving all social sectors. As 40 years have passed since the last north-south joint conference, anoth­er joint conference, if organized, would bring about an important turn in realizing national unity.

The Pan-National Rally should be held regularly in the future. If the Pan-National Rally is to be a rally for realizing the great unity of the whole nation, not only representatives from the north and abroad but also those from the south should participate in it. Of course, a Pan-National Rally with only representatives from the north and abroad would play a certain role in realizing national unity, but unless it is also attended by representatives from the south, it cannot contribute greatly to that end. In the Pan-National Rally held this time a joint resolution was adopted by adding the documents sent by the south-side representatives, but making public a joint resolution agreed upon through documents is of no special sig­nificance. A rally conducted in this fashion may make a demonstra­tion before the world but it will not exert a great influence on the people in south Korea. If the south-side representatives fail to attend, the significance and influence of the rally will grow weak. Only when the representatives of the north, south and abroad participate will it become a Pan-National Rally both in name and in reality. Therefore, the Pan-National Rally should be organized on the princi­ple of the representatives from north, south and abroad taking part in it without fail.

If it is difficult to hold in the north a Pan-National Rally attended also by the south-side representatives, it could be held in a country such as Japan. It will be alright if the south-side representatives do not at first participate in the rally in great numbers. It would be good to allow 20 to 50 people from the south to attend at the beginning and then increase their number gradually. I think it would be best to hold the rally in a foreign country with the participation of a small number of representatives from the south and then move the venue of the rally to Pyongyang or Seoul, increasing the number of partici­pants from the south side.

Korean compatriots in the north, south and abroad should firmly unite as one, transcending the differences in their positions, party affiliation, ideas, political views and religious belief.

I believe that you, our overseas compatriots, will wage an unremitting struggle to realize great national unity and so make a positive contribution to the fulfilment of the sacred cause of national reunification.

You have made a determination to fight strenuously to realize great national unity. It is good.

Please visit your homeland frequently in the future.

Legacies of Cold War

Two decades have passed since the end of the Cold War. However, its legacies still remain evident in several parts of this planet, especially on the Korean Peninsula drawing the attention of the international community longing for the termination of the Cold War once and for all.

Offsprings of the Cold War

One of the legacies of the Cold War in the Korean Peninsula is the stationing of the US troops in south Korea.

From the moment it shipped its troops into south Korea in September 1945 on the pretext of “disarming the Japanese troops,” the US had revealed its wild ambition to take control over the whole Korean Peninsula and the rest of Asia with south Korea as its bridgehead. In an attempt to crush the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which had been founded two years ago, in its cradle, it started the Korean War (June 1950-July 1953). More than half a century has elapsed since the end of the war, but its troops tens of thousands strong are still remain in south Korea, with large-scale military bases kept in several parts. There is no a place in the world as the small area of south Korea that is congested so densely with the US troops and military bases.

Another legacy is the “United Nations Command” (UNC).

The UNC was a military organization the US cobbled together illegally in 1950 by usurping the name of the United Nations in order to justify its attempt to involve itself and its other 15 vassal states in the Korean War. After the ceasefire in Korea, other countries that had dispatched their troops to the Korean War withdrew their service personnel from south Korea, except the US. Only the GIs remain in south Korea under the signboard of the “UN forces.” The US is still hanging on to the entity to this bogus UNC.

The biggest legacy of the Cold War on the Korean Peninsula is the Korea-US Armistice Agreement.

After raising the curtain of the Cold War after the Second World War, the United States started the Korean War to realize its anti-socialist strategy. However, it suffered an ignominious defeat due to the strong resistance of the Korean army and people. It had so far boasted of its victory in over 110 wars, but it was compelled to acknowledge its defeat in the Korean War for the first time and sign the armistice agreement. The armistice agreement should have been replaced with a peace treaty long before. The US is dead set against its replacement. The ceasefire does not mean a lasting peace. For this reason, the Korean Peninsula remains in a state of war as ever.

The US-south Korea mutual defense pact is also the product of the Cold War.

In early July 1953 when their defeat in the war was an order of the day, the US and south Korea huddled to discuss the matter of keeping the US troops stationed in south Korea for ever. The following October they signed the “south Korea-US Mutual Defense Treaty” on the pretext of checking the “threat of southward invasion from the north.” After the conclusion of the pact that “legalized” permanent stationing of the GIs in south Korea, the US has turned south Korea into the biggest nuclear arsenal, the most dangerous nuclear outpost in the Far East, while constantly aggravating the situation by its ceaseless moves for the provocation of north-targeted war.

Such legacies of the Cold War are the root cause of constant state of tension and danger of war hovering over the Korean Peninsula.

Removal of Cold-War Legacies Demanded by the Times

Those legacies should have been removed from the Korea Peninsula along with the end of the Cold War. Had it happened, the area would have become a peace zone free from war danger and, furthermore, favorable conditions and environment would have been created for easing tension on Northeast Asia and ensuring peace and security in Asia and the rest of the world.

However, the United States had beefed up its military strength in Asia-Pacific region around the Korean Peninsula, though it has reduced its troops in other regions of the world. The task forces equipped with state-of-the-art weaponry have been deployed in south Korea, Japan, and Guam, and US-led joint military rehearsals against the DPRK are staged one after another without letup. The US is saying openly that it does not rule out its nuclear preemptive strike against the DPRK. The Korean Peninsula is something like a tinderbox posing a constant threat to peace and security in Northeast Asia and Asia-Pacific region.

Now is the era of peace and development: peace and security, cooperation and development are the mainstream.

It is, therefore, a matter of urgency in the light of the current of the times and aspiration of humankind to eliminate legacies of the Cold War from the Korean Peninsula. The DPRK has made sincere efforts to put into effect its practical and rational proposals conducive to ensuring lasting peace and security and ushering in a new era of cooperation and prosperity. The DPRK Foreign Ministry, for instance, suggested to parties to Armistice Agreement that they hold talks as early as possible this year to replace the armistice agreement with a peace treaty.

The presidium conference of the International Liaison Committee for the Reunification and Peace in Korea (CILRECO) held recently in France affirmed its absolute support to the principled stand of the DPRK government to conclude a peace treaty in order to solve all pending issues arising in the DPRK-US relations including denuclearization, and provide solid guarantee of peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and the rest of the world.

An article carried on Die Rote Fahne, a German newspaper, wrote: in spite of lapse of nearly 60 years since the end of the Korean War, the Korean Peninsula is in a state of neither war nor peace as ever, tension prevailing all the time, due to the existence of the Armistice Agreement, a legacy of the Cold War; conclusion of a peace treaty is an urgent requirement for removal of the last vestiges of the Cold War.

It is beyond doubt that conclusion of the peace treaty will bring about a turning point in the situation in and around the Korean Peninsula.

Specter of Maine

It seems as if a specter of Maine, a battleship of the United States that sank over 110 years ago, is haunting the planet.

Old trick of ascription

On the night of March 26, 2010, the south Korean naval ship Cheonan sank in the West Sea of Korea. The south Korean authorities attributed the sinking to either “internal explosion” or a “natural breakdown” of the superannuated vessel. Suddenly, on May 20, over 50 days after the accident, they released a “report of joint investigation,” where they ascribed the sinking to a torpedo attack of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Such an abnormal and perverted act of the south Korean authorities struck the people of the world dumbfounded.

It is, however, not so surprising if one inquires into what underlies its background. The US, de facto dominator and controller of south Korea, instigated the south Korean authorities to link the accident with north Korea, asserting that “there is no other suspect than north Korea,” and “the sinking of the ship is most probably due to north Korea’s torpedo attack.”

It is typical of the US to shift blame to another; this becomes inevitable if the latter is a country with hostile interest.

In February 1898 the US, in order to seize the Spanish colonies in the Pacific area and Latin America, had had its own battleship Maine exploded, and laid the blame at the door of Spain. It then unleashed a war against Spain, the first imperialist war of kind in the world.

In August 1964, its destroyer Maddox under the cover of tens of aircrafts, intruded into the Tonkin Gulf in North Vietnam. It was a sort of provocation. It then claimed that Vietnam had attacked the American vessel in the open sea, and expanded the Vietnam War.

North Korea, branded by the US as “suspect” of the Cheonan incident, is a country which the latter has resorted to every conceivable scheme and method to stifle for scores of years.

The accident was a golden opportunity for the US.

“Material evidence,” full of doubts

Every plot, however authentic it looks, is hard to hide its truth. And the material evidence of north Korea’s torpedo attack which the south Korean authorities produced is too far-fetched.

The “small amount of powder ingredients” detected from the funnel and cutting section of the sunken ship was that of the RDX powder generally used in the military and civilian industries everywhere in the world, including south Korea. The “alloy fragment” noted as north Korea’s torpedo splinters was no more than a metallic material of aluminum and magnesium that is also used in shipbuilding for the south Korean navy.

What south Korean side put forward as the decisive “material evidence,” 1.5-meter-long rear part of torpedo, was more ridiculous; it was neither bent nor damaged, far from being out of recognition, though it was allegedly used for breaking the ship into two parts. Besides, the letters “No. 1” written in the “style of the north” on the rear part of the propelling body were too clearly visible even though the body got rusty under the sea for 50-odd days.

There were more doubtful points, including the fact that the south tries to conceal the gas turbine, a key element in explaining the cause of the sinking.

Konstantin Osmolov, senior researcher at the Korea research center of the Far Eastern Institute under the Russian Academy of Sciences, presented following questions:

Why did the accident claim the lives of only rank and file, not of officers?

Why did nobody suffer from ruptured eardrum or broken bones, instances commonly witnessed after a torpedo attack?

Why do the letters written by a modern felt-tip pen, allegedly visible on the torpedo’s propelling body, have more similarity with the south’s style than the north’s?

Beneficiary of the accident

It is an elementary and general principle in the investigation of a case to find out who will reap the greatest benefit in the case.

Then what benefit would north Korea, the “accused,” gain from this accident?

As is widely known to the world the DPRK is now concentrating all its efforts into the building of a thriving nation by 2012. It has even mobilized a huge force of soldiers into the major sectors of the national economy such as the Huichon Power Station construction project.

From the viewpoint of common sense, that peace and security are the prerequisites for economic growth and prosperity, peaceful environment is more important than ever for the DPRK. For this, it put forth a proposal of establishing a durable peace mechanism in the Korean Peninsula early this year, and has made strenuous efforts to realize it.

It easily stands to reason with everyone that the north has nothing to gain by sinking a south Korean naval ship.

It is none other than the US that shares the greatest benefit from the accident.

The Obama administration, ill reputed for its weakness in foreign policy in the first year of its power, had availed itself of this case to produce to the fullest its “hard image” in the lead-up to a Congressional mid-term election slated for coming November. By creating the impression of “threat from north Korea” in bold relief, it compelled the Japanese ruling Democratic Party to retreat from its commitment that it would drive the GIs out of Okinawa. And by inciting the feeling of “security unrest” that a war may break out any time in the Korean Peninsula, it elicited an agreement from the south Korean authorities on extending the “transfer of the wartime operational control,” which is due in 2012, by 2015. In a nutshell, the US killed “three birds with one stone.”

Who is then the real culprit of the case?

A reconnaissance source of the Pacific Fleet of the Russian Navy said that the Cheonan was sunk by a special torpedo fired by a small diving machine of a state-of-the-art nuclear submarine of the US forces. This is worthy of note.

Dark cloud of war

The south Korean authorities, at the manipulation of the US, vociferate that it is ready to go to war against north Korea. South Korea and the US plan to stage joint military rehearsals against north Korea from July to the end of this year under the pretext of Cheonan accident.

Prevailing situation portends a new Korean War.

The Cheonan incident of 2010 may incur a new war in Korea, as the Maine of 1898 invited the US-Spain War and the Maddox of 1964 the expansion of the Vietnam War.

But now is not the end of the 19^th century or the mid-20^th century. Nor is it 2003 when the US deceived the United Nations with a piece of sheer lie and unleashed a war against Iraq. International community is matured and awakened enough to see through the Cheonan incident and the underlying US intention.

Kim Jong Il inspects the Seoul Ryu Kyong Su 105 Guards Tank Division of the KPA

The term “Songun-based leadership” is a word quite new to the world political history.

The Songun-based leadership of Kim Jong Il, chairman of the National Defense Commission of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, can be said to be a basic factor which enables such a small country to defend its sovereignty and dignity and emerge victorious, facing down the United States styling itself “a sole superpower” in the world.

His Songun-based leadership started on August 25, 1960, 50 years ago, when he visited the Seoul Ryu Kyong Su 105 Guards Tank Division of the Korean People’s Army.

Attention should be paid to the fact that he gave his guidance first to the military affairs before starting his official political activities (he began to work at the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea on June 19, 1964). It literally means his Songun-based leadership.

The Songun-based leadership can be said to be a traditional mode of leadership in socialist Korea. President Kim Il Sung (1912-1994), father of socialist Korea, first founded a guerilla army and waged the anti-Japanese war to liberate Korea and then achieved the cause of Songun-based leadership.

Kim Jong Il has defended the sovereignty and dignity of the country and reliably secured the peace and security of the Korean Peninsula and the region in Northeast Asia by dint of the Songun-based leadership.

Always paying a primary attention to enhancing the politico-ideological might of the People’s Army, he ensured that political and ideological education has been intensified among service personnel so that they can fulfill their mission as the defenders of the socialist country. He has made ceaseless inspections of army units in order to boost the military and technical might of the People’s Army in every way. He advanced the line of economic construction of developing the defense industry on a preferential basis in order for the People’s Army to be fully equipped with modern and powerful offensive and defensive means.

He also made sure that a sound habit of attaching importance to the military affairs has been fully established in the whole society and that arming all the people and fortifying the whole land have been realized more thoroughly. Thanks to his Songun-based leadership, the DPRK has been turned into a more impregnable fortress.

For the past several decades, the Korean Peninsula has witnessed a touch-and-go situation on many occasions, including the Pueblo incident and the “EC-121” incident in the closing years of the 1960s, the Panmunjom incident in the mid-1970s., the first nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula in the early 1990s and the second nuclear crisis on the peninsula in the outset of the new century. But the imperialists, overwhelmed by the mighty military force of the DPRK, did not dare to ignite the fuse of another war in Korea.

Through his Songun-based leadership Kim Jong Il has further cemented the single-minded unity of the Korean society and brought about an eye-opening reality that this country is making a leaping forward in order to build a thriving nation.

In the closing years of the last century the Korean people suffered the severest ordeals and difficulties due to the extreme blockade and sanctions on the part of the US-led imperialist allied forces who took advantage of the collapse of socialism in East European countries and the demise of President Kim Il Sung and the natural calamities that hit the DPRK for several consecutive years.

At such a time Kim Jong Il, holding higher the banner of Songun, led the KPA soldiers to make a breakthrough in socialist construction while defending the country. The service personnel in charge of the construction of the Anbyon Youth Power Station gave full play to the “revolutionary soldier spirit” which is characterized by the spirit of defending their Supreme Commander at the cost of their lives and carrying out his orders and instructions unconditionally and the heroic self-sacrificing spirit of devoting their lives for the country, the people and their comrades, giving a great encouragement to the people. Emulating the “revolutionary soldier spirit,” the people have built medium-and small-sized power stations by their own efforts in different parts of the country and began to revitalize the operation of industrial establishments that had been out of business. The service personnel and the people realigned the land of the whole country into large-sized standard fields by pooling their efforts. The former inspired the latter to vigorously turn out in the drive to push back the frontiers of science and technology by building a large number of model factories provided with state-of-the-art technology. The drive for attaining the cutting-edge technology has swept the whole country, with the result that, last year alone, many industrial establishments have put their production lines on a CNC basis and a new steel-making system of using no scrap iron and cokes has been established. At the outset of this year, vinalon began to be mass-produced, thus providing the DPRK with a more solid foundation to fling open the gate to a great, prosperous and powerful nation in 2012 that marks the centenary of birth anniversary of President Kim Il Sung.

In the course of this, the Korean army and people came to rally around their leader more solidly.

Kim Jong Il’s Songun based-leadership has brought about a turning-point for Korea’s reunification and markedly raised the international position of the DPRK.

The Songun-based leadership of Kim Jong Il that defends peace and security of the Korean Peninsula and fully demonstrates the dignity of the Korean nation has inspired the south Korean people with high enthusiasm for reunification and made the aspiration after peace and reunification become a trend of the times running through the whole Korean Peninsula. Swimming with such stream of history, an inter-Korean summit meeting was finally made in June 2000 for the first time in history of Korea’s division and the June 15 Joint Declaration, a milestone for Korea’s reunification, was adopted there. In 2007 the October 4 Declaration, an action program for the said joint declaration, was adopted, promoting the movement for Korea’s reunification onto a higher stage.

The DPRK’s buildup of its overall national power with the military power as its core was followed by increasing its influence on the international arena. The West European and other countries turning a blind eye to having relations with the DPRK began to willingly establish diplomatic relations with it. Last year France expressed its intention to set up a diplomatic mission in Pyongyang.

In 2009 when the DPRK conducted its second nuclear test in order to cope with the acts of violating its sovereignty by the US and other hostile forces who were critical of its launch of a man-made satellite, many countries, international organizations and public figures of the political and public circles extended support and encouragement to it. This verifies how high are the international prestige and authority of the DPRK, which is leading the cause of global independence

KIM IL SUNG

LET US INTENSIFY THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST, ANTI-US STRUGGLE

Article Published in the Inaugural Issue of the Theoretical Magazine Tricontinental,

Organ of the Organization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America

August 12, 1967

Two years ago the Organization of Solidarity of the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America was inaugurated in Havana, the capital of Cuba.

It was an event of enormous importance. The aims and ideas of this organization have aroused the sympathy of hundreds of millions of Asians, Africans and Latin Americans and are exerting a profound influence on the great changes taking place in the world today.

The peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, who had been oppressed and plundered by Western capitalism and imperialism for centuries, have risen courageously and taken their place on the stage of history. The strong tide of national liberation is rising with an irresistible force. Hundreds of millions of people on the three continents are fighting for their freedom and are struggling to defend the revolutionary achievements they have already won. The colonial system of imperialism is rapidly disintegrating.

Imperialism is making desperate attempts to retain its former positions and regain its lost ground. As the dying hour of imperialism draws closer, the struggle is intensifying further. Thus, the peoples cannot but continue their struggle, holding high the banner of anti-imperialism, until imperialism is totally wiped off the face of the earth.

The newly independent countries which have thrown off the yoke of imperialism are confronted with the very difficult and important tasks of defending their national independence, carrying forward the revolution and aiding the liberation struggle of the peoples still chained by imperialism. The peoples who have won their independence must fight to crush the subversive activities of foreign imperialism and the domestic forces of reaction, tear down their economic strongholds, strengthen the revolutionary forces, set up a progressive social system and build an independent national economy and national culture. Only in this way can they protect the gains of the revolution, achieve the prosperity of their countries and nations and contribute to the common struggle of the peoples of the whole world to bury imperialism.

Asia, Africa and Latin America comprise 71 percent of the world¡¯s land surface. These continents are inhabited by more than two-thirds of the world¡¯s population and are blessed with inexhaustible natural resources. Imperialism has grown and become fat by grinding these peoples down and robbing them of their riches. Even today imperialism is squeezing tens of billions of dollars in profits from these areas every year. Once Asia, Africa and Latin America are completely freed from old and new colonialism, there will not be an imperialist Western Europe and an imperialist North America.

The struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and colonialism is a sacred liberation struggle for hundreds of millions of oppressed and humiliated people; it is also a great battle to cut the life line of world imperialism. This struggle and the revolutionary struggle of the international working class for socialism are the two major revolutionary forces of our times, and they join into one stream which will carry imperialism to its grave.

The imperialists cannot bestow independence upon the colonial peoples. Is there any need to prove the falsity of the imperialists¡¯ declaration that the Western world can help the peoples of the three continents to achieve independence and progress and can coexist with a free and independent Asia, Africa and Latin America? The imperialist leopard cannot change his imperialist spots, and he never will. Imperialism will exploit, oppress and plunder the people until it meets its doom.

The oppressed peoples can liberate themselves only through struggle. This is a simple and clear truth confirmed by history. It is necessary to expose the false propaganda of the imperialists and thoroughly dispel the illusion that they will give up their positions in the colonies and dependent countries with a good will. Where there is oppression, there is bound to be resistance. It is inevitable that the oppressed peoples should fight for their emancipation. As long as imperialism plunders and oppresses small and weak nations by force, it remains an inalienable right of the oppressed nations to rise up in arms and fight against the aggressors.

It is wrong to try to avoid the struggle against imperialism under the pretext that independence and revolution are important, but that peace is still more precious. Is it not true that the line of seeking unprincipled compromise with imperialism only tends to encourage its aggressive actions and increase the danger of war? Peace secured by slavish submission is not peace. Genuine peace cannot be achieved unless a struggle is waged against those who break the peace, unless the slave¡¯s peace is rejected and the oppressors¡¯ rule overthrown. We are opposed to the line of compromise with imperialism. At the same time, we cannot tolerate the practice of only denouncing imperialism but, in actual fact, being afraid to fight it. This is a line of compromise in an inverted form. Both have nothing to do with a genuine anti-imperialist struggle and only help the imperialist policy of aggression and war.

It is most important, when fighting against imperialism, to concentrate the attack on US imperialism, the ringleader of world imperialism.

By stretching out its aggressive tentacles all over the world, US imperialism has become the common enemy of all peoples of the world. There is no country on earth whose sovereignty is not violated by US imperialism; there is no country which is free from the menace of US imperialist aggression. The US imperialists are brutally suppressing the liberation struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and constantly perpetrating acts of aggression and subversion to re-enslave the newly independent countries. Bluntly revealing their true colours as gangsters, the US imperialists are waging a war of aggression against a socialist country and interfering in the domestic affairs of other countries by force of arms. Over the past 20-odd years since the end of World War II, not a day has gone by which has not witnessed the flames of aggression and war kindled by US imperialism. US imperialism is, indeed, the most heinous and shameless plunderer known to history. It is the US imperialists themselves who are causing peoples all over the world calling for peace, independence and progress, to unite in a common front against US imperialism.

The peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America have common interests and are in a position to support each other in their anti-imperialist, anti-US struggle. As long as Africa and Latin America are not free, Asia cannot be free; driving the US imperialists out of Asia will benefit the liberation struggle of the African and Latin-American peoples. Victory over US imperialism on one front will sap its strength and facilitate victory on other fronts by that much. If the US imperialist forces of aggression are defeated in any part of the world, it will be a very good thing for all the peoples of the world. It is necessary, therefore, to form the broadest possible anti-US united front to isolate US imperialism completely, and strike it in unison wherever it extends its talons of aggression, This alone will make it possible to disperse and weaken the force of US imperialism to the maximum and to lead the people with their unquestionably superior power to defeat US imperialism on all fronts.

For more than 20 years the US imperialists have been occupying the southern half of our country. They have enforced colonial rule in south Korea and turned it into a military base for their aggression against the whole of Korea and Asia. In spite of their ignominious defeat in the aggressive war against the Democratic People¡¯s Republic of Korea, the US imperialists have not yet given up their aggressive design to conquer the whole of Korea and are unceasingly planning to unleash another war in Korea. The supreme task of the Korean people at this time is to liquidate the colonial system of US imperialism in south Korea, accomplish the national-liberation revolution and reunite the country. For the Korean people to achieve the cause of national liberation, forces must be prepared along three fronts: strengthen the socialist forces in north Korea; increase and augment the revolutionary forces in south Korea; and develop the international revolutionary movement and strengthen solidarity with it. North Korea is the base of the Korean revolution. The successes of socialist construction there encourage the south Korean people in their anti-US, national-salvation struggle and stimulate the preparation of revolutionary forces in south Korea. We are striving to strengthen and develop the revolutionary forces in north and south Korea and, at the same time, to cement solidarity with the international revolutionary forces. The Korean people support the struggle of the peoples of all countries against US imperialism, and regard it as support for their own cause of liberation. We maintain that all the anti-imperialist forces of the world should unite in a joint struggle against US imperialism, and we have been working consistently to achieve this goal.

The US imperialists are more afraid of the united strength of the revolutionary peoples of the world than of anything else. That is why they are resorting to all kinds of tricks to obstruct the formation of an anti-US united front and are using the strategy of conquering small, weak countries one by one. This strategy of US imperialism must be thoroughly frustrated. The Asian, African and Latin-American countries have differing social systems, and there are many parties and groupings with divergent political views there. But all these countries, parties and groupings—except the stooges of imperialism—have a common interest in opposing the imperialist forces of aggression headed by US imperialism. The difference in social systems and political ideas can never be an obstacle to united struggle and concerted action against US imperialism. No one must be allowed to divide the anti-US united front or refuse joint action, claiming primary importance for his own specific national or partisan interests. Such an act will only benefit imperialism led by US imperialism and harm the revolutionary peoples.

It is very important in the joint struggle against imperialism to defend the revolution which has already triumphed.

It is an internationalist duty of all the revolutionary peoples to fight to defend the gains of the Cuban revolution. Revolutionary Cuba represents the future of Latin America, and its very existence encourages the peoples of that continent in their liberation movement. The triumph of the Cuban revolution is striking evidence that imperialism is doomed and that the national-liberation revolution and people¡¯s revolution will assuredly triumph in our times. It is for this very reason that the US imperialists hate and fear this small island country so much. They are trying to strangle the Republic of Cuba. The peoples of Latin America and the progressive peoples of the whole world must do everything in their power to foil the US imperialists¡¯ blockade policy against the Republic of Cuba and frustrate their preparations for a military invasion of Cuba.

Today the Vietnamese people¡¯s war of resistance for national salvation against the US expeditionary forces has become the focal point of the anti-imperialist struggle. The US imperialist forces of aggression and the anti-imperialist, peace-loving forces of the world are having a showdown in Vietnam. The US troops are suffering one defeat after another in face of the heroic resistance of the Vietnamese people and are being driven into a corner. Contrary to the expectations of the US imperialists, the Vietnam war has become a grave for the aggressors. The Vietnamese people¡¯s war of resistance for national salvation is another graphic example that a people who are determined to defend their independence and freedom at any cost, and who have the support of the peoples of the whole world, cannot be defeated.

At present, the US imperialists are escalating the war, continuously reinforcing their own military strength in South Vietnam, bringing in more troops from their satellite countries, and perpetrating the extensive aerial and artillery bombardment of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

The Vietnamese people, through their heroic struggle, are shouldering the enormous burden of resisting the aggression of the most barbarous and most heinous imperialism of modern times. They are fighting not only to defend their independence and freedom, but also to safeguard world peace and security. Once US imperialist aggression against Vietnam is checked and frustrated, US imperialism will sink like the setting sun and the situation will be more favourable for the peoples of all countries fighting for peace, independence and progress. The peace-loving peoples of the whole world have a duty to give all forms of aid to the Vietnamese people, and the Vietnamese people are entitled to receive it. The peoples of the socialist and the newly independent states and the peoples of all countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the rest of the world should make the greatest efforts to broaden the anti-US united front, to aid the Vietnamese people in their war of resistance for national salvation and, through concerted action, check US imperialist aggression. No one has the right to force a solution of their internal affairs on the Vietnamese people. The US armed forces of aggression must withdraw from Vietnam and the Vietnamese question must be settled by the Vietnamese people themselves.

We must neither underestimate nor overestimate the strength of US imperialism. US imperialism can still commit many crimes. But it is on the decline. Today when US imperialism is behaving most outrageously, its vulnerability is more evident than ever before. The Korean people know what US imperialism is. Our people have fought US imperialism, and defended their country against its aggression. The Korean war showed that US imperialism is by no means invincible, and that it is quite possible to fight it and defeat it. The triumph of the Cuban revolution again proved this truth under conditions which were different from ours. The Vietnamese people¡¯s war of resistance for national salvation also clearly confirms this truth.

US imperialism is doomed to complete destruction. Through a unified struggle against imperialism headed by US imperialism, the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America will build a new, independent and prosperous Asia, Africa and Latin America, and will make a great contribution to world peace and to the liberation of mankind.

 KIM JONG IL

      LET US CARRY OUT THE GREAT LEADER COMRADE KIM IL SUNG'S INSTRUCTIONS 

      FOR NATIONAL REUNIFICATION

      August 4, 1997

Reunifying the country in our generation without fail by carrying forward the cause of the country's reunification pioneered and guided by the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung is a firm decision of our Party and a revolutionary will of our people.          The territorial partition and the division of the nation lasting over half a century are obstructing the uniform development of our nation with a history of 5,000 years and causing immeasurable misfortunes and sufferings to all our nation.          If we fail to reunify the country in our generation, the new generations will also suffer the tragedy of national division, even the national community between the north and the south will disappear and the nation will remain divided forever. When the imperialist colonial system has collapsed and all the countries and nations that were once oppressed are advancing along the road of independence, it is an intolerable national shame that our nation that values its dignity and honor as lifeblood has to see its sovereignty trampled upon by foreign forces.         We must achieve the cause of the country's reunification, the lifelong will of respected Comrade Kim Il Sung and the vital demand of the nation. National reunification is the greatest national task that must not be delayed any longer.          We must reunify the country at all costs and put an end to the tragic history of national division, the history of disgrace. By reunifying the country, we must save the destiny of the nation from the crisis, hand down the reunified country to the coming generations and defend and exalt the dignity and honor of the nation.         In order to reunify the country, we must defend the imperishable achievements which the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung made for national reunification all his life and carry out the Juche-orientated line and policy for national reunification.          The three charters for the country's reunification set forth by the great leader are the programmatic guide which all our nation that desires reunification must support. The specific method may change in the struggle for the country's reunification with the change in the situation, but the basic principles and standpoint for the country's reunification can never change. In the future we must reunify the country on the basis of the three charters for the country's reunification no matter how the situation and circumstance may change. To maintain the Juche character and preserve the national character in shaping the destiny of the country and the nation is a principled requirement for the country's independence, sovereignty and growth in its wealth and strength and for the prosperity of the nation.         By adhering to the Juche character and the national character and brilliantly embodying them during the whole period of his leadership of our revolution, the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung achieved the historic cause of national liberation, established a powerful socialist state that is independent, self-sufficient and self-reliant in defense and ensured the display of our nation's unfathomable strength, talent and unbreakable spirit to the whole world.          The lines and charters for the country's reunification advanced by Comrade Kim Il Sung are motivated by the principled requirement for adhering to the Juche character and the national character and are permeated with them.          To thoroughly maintain and embody the Juche character and the national character in the struggle for the reunification and independence of the country is the basic guarantee for reunifying the country successfully in accordance with the interests and desire of our nation. The country must be reunified at all events on the principle of national independence. Maintenance of the principle of national independence is fundamental to adhering to the Juche character and the national character.          All nations have the right to shape their destiny by their own hands and independently according to their will.        Nobody can deprive a nation of its right to independence or infringe upon it. Since the reunification of our country is an affair of our nation and concerns its right to independence, our nation must achieve it by its own efforts as the master in accordance with its independent will and desire. In order to reunify the country on the principle of national independence, all the members of the nation must arm themselves firmly with the consciousness of national independence and thoroughly oppose and reject flunkeyism and the idea of dependence on foreign forces.          The consciousness of national independence is an ideological strength which makes the nation powerful and the country prosper, whereas flunkeyism and the idea of dependence on foreign forces are an ideological poison that makes a nation disgraceful and powerless.          That flunkeyism and the idea of dependence on foreign forces lead to the ruin of the nation is the serious and bitter lesson our nation learned through a long history of national suffering. Our country was occupied by the Japanese imperialists, the early communist movement failed, and the nationalist movement suffered frustration because, in the final analysis, of flunkeyism which meant disbelieving its own strength and grovel before big powers. Even after the liberation of the country, the successive rulers of south Korea committed anti-reunification treachery to the country and the nation, with the backing of the United States, following its aggressive policy.          Attempting to find a solution to the problem of national reunification and to win back the sovereignty of the nation by depending on foreign forces is a foolish act which is tantamount to putting one's neck into the noose of slavery of its own accord.          In order to keep the sovereignty and dignity of the nation and to reunify the country in accordance with the will and interests of the nation, we must reject flunkeyism and dependence on foreign forces and resolutely fight against the aggression and interference of foreign forces. We will never allow any attempt to realize an aggressive and dominationist ambition through interference in our country's reunification.          We must struggle more strongly for the country's reunification upholding the banner of national independence and thus achieve the complete independence and sovereignty of the country and the nation. In order to reunify the country independently, we must build up the force of our own nation. The great unity of the entire nation is the decisive guarantee for the independent and peaceful reunification of the country.          Our nation is directly responsible for national reunification, and no one can take our place in the struggle to reunify our country. Only when the entire nation is united firmly under the banner of great national unity and strengthens the driving force of national reunification can we defeat the attempts of the divisive forces at home and abroad and accomplish the cause of the country's reunification. In order to achieve great national unity we should put the common interests of the nation above all else, relegating the differences in thoughts, ideas and systems to the background, and hold fast to the principle of uniting on this basis. The country's reunification is not a matter of settling any class contradictions within our nation or antagonism between social systems; it is the national cause of establishing the nation's sovereignty all over the country. No class or stratum can exist outside the nation and no independence for the members of the nation can be ensured without the independence of the nation.          Today when reunifying the country is the supreme task of the nation, no class or stratum should place their interests above the common national interests. No matter how great the difference in ideologies and systems existing in the north and south may be, it cannot be greater than our national community which has been formed and consolidated and developed over a long period of history. When the north and the south put the national community and the common national interests to the fore and desire the country's reunification, they can achieve the great unity of the entire nation transcending differences in ideologies and social systems.         Love for the country and the nation is the common ideological feeling of all members of the nation and the ideological basis of national unity. To love ardently the country and the nation and value most the national dignity are our nation's proud tradition and the national characteristics. Anyone who has the blood and soul of the Korean nation must treasure and preserve the admirable national character of the Korean people.          Today the true value and worth of life for the Koreans lie in linking their destiny with the destiny of the nation and devoting themselves heart and soul to the noble cause of the country's reunification and independence and the prosperity of the nation. Everyone who loves the country and the nation and is concerned over their destiny whether he or she lives in the north, in the south or abroad, must unite firmly under the banner of national reunification, regardless of the differences in ideologies and ideas, religious beliefs and political views, class and stratum.          We maintain that the north and the south join their efforts to promote co-existence, co-prosperity and common interests and achieve the great cause of the country's reunification transcending the differences in ideologies and social systems. We will join hands with those who take the road of national reunification with national conscience, regardless of their ideas and religious beliefs, and even if they are capitalists, army generals or high authorities. Even those who have committed crimes against the nation in the past, if they repent of their mistakes and come round to the side of the nation, we will cross off all their past, treat them with generosity and unite with them.          Our Party's line and policy for great national unity constitute all-embracing politics based on love for the country, nation and people. Our consistent policy is to pursue all-embracing politics invariably in the whole process of the struggle for the reunification, independence, and prosperity of the country. The line of great national unity which fully embodies the idea of love for the country, nation and people has fully demonstrated its validity and vitality in the long-drawn-out struggle for the restoration of the fatherland, for the building of a new society and for national reunification. We will respect the ideologies, ideas and religions of all parties, organizations and people that aspire after patriotism and turn out for the cause of reunification, and unite with them, thereby fulfilling our duty and remaining loyal to the nation.         Reunifying the country in a peaceful way without recourse to the armed forces is our principled position and the consistent line of our Party. There is no reason why we fellow countrymen should fight among ourselves on the question of national reunification. The difference in thoughts and systems existing in the north and the south is not a ground for the use of armed forces.          One cannot accept any idea and system under coercion and the difference in ideologies and systems between the north and the south cannot be abolished by a coercive method. If the north and the south fight against each other, our nation will suffer the ravages of war and the imperialists will profit from it. The peaceful reunification of Korea is not only the desire of our nation but also the aspiration of the peace-loving people of the world.          Everyone who loves the country and nation and values peace must exert all his or her efforts for the peaceful reunification of the country. In order to ensure peace in the Korean Peninsula and achieve the peaceful reunification of the country we must oppose the moves towards aggression and war and eliminate the danger of war. Without the struggle against the moves towards aggression and war, it would be impossible to ensure peace and think of peaceful reunification.          At present, the maneuvers of the United States and the south Korean rulers against socialism and our Republic have aggravated the tension and created the danger of war breaking out in the Korean Peninsula any minute.          The question of easing the tension and removing the danger of war in our country can be settled, before all else, when the United States gives up its hostile policy against our Republic and a peace treaty is concluded between the DPRK and the U.S. Our Republic and the United States are still in the state of temporary armistice and the danger of war has not been dispelled from our country. In order to remove the danger of war and ensure peace, a peace treaty must be concluded between DPRK and the United States and a new peace-keeping mechanism must be established. In addition, it is imperative to reaffirm the nonaggression agreement between the north and the south already published to the world and implement it thoroughly.          Although the United States clamors about "the end of Cold War" and "easing of the tension", it is invariably resorting to the "policy of power", threatening us with ceaseless military exercises and aggressive maneuvers and instigating the south Korean rulers to war provocation hullabaloo. Trying to bring us to our knees by military threat or pressure is a foolish attempt and a dangerous act.          We will defend our socialism firmly and never tolerate anyone to infringe upon the sovereignty and dignity of our nation. Strengthening the revolutionary armed forces to defend the security of the country and people against the moves of the imperialists and the south Korean rulers to provoke a war is a natural step to self-defense. The imperialist war-maniacs should refrain from attempting to test our military power by means of their armed forces or to frighten or bring our people to their knees by military threat and provocations.          Such a reckless act will be a dangerous adventure which may end in inviting a terrible catastrophe to themselves. We never want war; we are making consistent efforts to reunify the country peacefully. The most reasonable way to settle the question of Korean reunification smoothly is to reunify the country on the basis of federation. Our nation wants to reunify the country as soon as possible in a reasonable way acceptable to everyone. Over half a century has passed since the different systems were established in the north and the south.          If, in these circumstances, one side tries to reunify the country under its system, it will further aggravate the state of division, let alone reunification, and end in an irretrievable national disaster. In view of the urgent requirement of our nation and the situation in the country, the best way to reunify the country as soon as possible is to establish a unified nation-state of federation based on one nation, one state, two systems and two governments. Reunification through federation is a fair and rational way for reunification which does not attach weight to the advantages or interests of only one side or harm any side. Federal reunification will also contribute to removing the danger of war always hanging over the Korean Peninsula and ensuring peace and security of the world.          If the country is reunified by federation, our nation will establish sovereignty throughout the country and achieve great unity as one nation; our country will become a unified nation-state, independent, peace-loving and neutral. The reunified federal state will not infringe upon the interests of neighboring countries and threaten them. We will advance dynamically along the road of national reunification under the banner of the three charters of national reunification set forth by the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung without a slightest vacillation in any difficulty and trial.

“Song of General Kim Il Sung”, the immortal

revolutionary hymns

1. Bright traces of blood on the crags of Jangbaek still gleam

Still the Amnok carries along signs of blood in its stream

Still do those hallowed traces shine resplendently

Over Korea ever flourishing and free.

So dear to all our hearts is our General’s glorious name,

Our own beloved Kim Il Sung of undying fame.

“Song of General Kim Il Sung” was created in 1946 in reflection of great admiration of all the Korean people for President Kim Il Sung, when they turned out as one in the drive to build a new country after Korea was liberated on August 15, 1945.

The Korean nation was deprived of their country in November 1905 with the fabrication of the “Ulsa Five-Point Treaty” forced by the Japanese imperialists and had to suffer the bitter lot of a ruined nation.  More than 8.4 million young and middle-aged Koreans were forcibly drafted to the battle sites and the sites of backbreaking labor and over one million were mercilessly killed. 200 000 women were forced to suffer sexual slavery as “comfort women’ for the imperial Japanese army. The Korean people were banned from using their national language and letters and even forced to change their names into Japanese ones. It seemed as if the Korean nation would vanish for good from this planet.

At this critical period of national sufferings President Kim Il Sung was born (April 15, 1912). He experienced the pains and misery of his nation from his childhood. He left his fatherland at the young age of 13 with a firm resolve not to return home before Korea’s independence.

His twenty years of struggle for Korea’s liberation were, indeed, the days of arduous and severe trials and bloody battles beyond imagination.

Always thinking of the destiny of his nation in the miserable status of a colonial slavery, he braved a sea of all hardships and trials-continuous battles against Japanese troops, biting cold in which even birches froze up and broke, consecutive starvation-with ardent love of his country and people.

2. Tell, blizzards that rage in the wild Manchurian plains,

Tell, you nights in forests deep where the silence reigns,

Who is the partisan whose deeds are unsurpassed?

Who is the patriot whose fame shall ever last?

So dear to all our hearts is our General’s glorious name,

Our own beloved Kim Il Sung of undying fame.

Kim Il Sung defeated the Japanese imperialists and achieved Korea’s liberation.

With the country’s liberation the Korean people threw off the shackles of colonial slavery strangling their lifeline and became the masters of the country and their own destiny. The President shed light on the path the liberated Korean people should follow, and founded the state for people’s sake for the first time in the 5, 000-year-long Korean history.

3. He severed the chains of the masses, brought them liberty,

The sun of Korea today, democratic and free

For the Twenty Points united we stand fast,

Over our fair homeland spring has come at last!

So dear to all our hearts is our General’s glorious name,

Our own beloved Kim Il Sung of undying fame.

Over the last 60-odd years, “Song of General Kim Il Sung” has been the best favorite of the Korean people. Singing this song, they established a people’s democratic state for the first time in the East, repulsed the aggression of the US-led allied imperialist forces and carried out the post-war rehabilitation project and the gigantic task of industrialization. This song was, indeed, a song of conviction and victory that infused the Korean people with peerless strength and courage.

Sixteen years have passed since the demise of President Kim Il Sung (July 8, 1994). However, the Korean people are still singing this song, living and struggling with it. They greet the dawn with the melody of this song and their radio and TV broadcasting also with this song. It is because the President accomplished great and immortal feats as the benevolent liberator of the Korean nation and father of socialist Korea.

President Kim Il Sung is immortal in the minds of the Korean people, together with “Song of General Kim Il Sung” resounding throughout this country forever.

This year marks the sixtieth year of the outbreak of the Korean War (1950-1953). The war came to a ceasefire with the signing of an armistice agreement on July 27, 1953.

The AA is by no means a guarantee for a lasting peace. It is evidenced by the constant tension between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States since the conclusion of the AA.

AA, mere scrap of paper

In June 1950, the US unleashed a war against the DPRK which was founded less than two years ago, out of its ambition to take control of the Korean Peninsula of a strategic importance. It usurped the name of the United Nations so as to abuse the DPRK as an “aggressor” and committed to the war its troops and other 15 states under the cap of the “UN forces.” But it suffered colossal amount of loss of manpower and materials and was compelled to sign the AA with a main provision of five articles and 63 paragraphs and an appendix of eleven articles and 26 paragraphs. The AA stipulated that the recurrence of war should be prevented and the Korean issue be settled peacefully at an early date.

The US, however, was not tied to the AA from the outset. On August 8, 1953 it concluded a “mutual defense pact” with south Korea and “legalized” the stationing of its troops there, thus blatantly challenging to Paragraph 60 of the AA, which envisaged the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Korea. A political conference for the peaceful settlement of the Korean issue was scuttled at its preliminary stage by the US. It flagrantly violated Item d of Paragraph 13 of the AA, which stipulated the stop to the shipment of weapons and shells from outside of Korea and, finally in 1957, officially stated the waiver of its implementation and shipped into south Korea sophisticated weapons, including nukes, in a big way. The members of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission from Switzerland, Sweden, the then Czechoslovakia and Poland were expelled from south Korea in June 1956. In March 1991 the US appointed a brass hat of the south Korean army, which is not a signatory to the AA, as the senior member of the US side to the Military Armistice Commission, thus resulting in the ruin of the MAC and the NNSC. In the long run, the MAC-related paragraphs from 19 to 35 and the NNSC-related ones from 36 to 50 became extinct.

Reasonable option needed

With the core paragraphs of the AA becoming null and void, no legal and institutional mechanisms capable of preventing the recurrence of war can be found on the Korean Peninsula. In this context, the DPRK, in order to ensure peace and safety on the Korean Peninsula, has presented on several occasions-April 1994, February 1996, October 1998-such proposals as the replacement of the AA with a peace treaty, the conclusion of a protocol in place of the present AA and the setup of a joint military organization to implement the remaining paragraphs of the AA to the US, the US, however, rejected all those proposals.

On the contrary, the US has ceaselessly repeated military provocations and war rehearsals against the DPRK. They are well proved by many instances, including the Pueblo incident in January 1968, which involved hundreds of thousands of armed forces, aircraft carriers and strategic nuclear bombers, the EC-121 incident in April 1969, and the Panmunjom incident in August 1976. In 1994 a US helicopter which intruded into the territorial sky of the DPRK was shot down. In 2003, a RC-135 on its espionage flight near the DPRK’s airspace turned its tail post haste when it saw a DPRK plane was in close-in pursuit.

The scores-of-years-long “dream” of the US to militarily stifle the DPRK at any cost has been shattered to smithereens when the latter declared its possession of nuclear weapons as a self-defensive measure against the former’s nuclear threat. The DPRK’s access to nukes made it possible to ensure the balance of power on the Korean Peninsula and ushered in a new phase in securing peace and safety in the region.

Last January the DPRK proposed to the parties to the AA an early start of the talks for replacing the AA by a peace treaty and expressed its conviction that the conclusion of the peace treaty would promote the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula at a rapid tempo.

The conclusion of the peace treaty can be said to be a matured matter. Fourteen countries, including the UK, Canada and the Philippines, of 15 countries which had participated in the Korean War in the 1950s as the “UN Forces” have already established diplomatic relations with the DPRK. And France, too, decided last year to set up a diplomatic mission in Pyongyang.

At present the US stands at the crossroads whether it would keep up hostile relations with the DPRK and continue nuclear stand-off which might plunge the entire humankind into destruction in the end, or it would conclude a peace treaty so as to remove hostilities and realize the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

Now is high time for the American statesmen to make a reasonable choice. The Korean War broke out 60 years ago when the Democratic Party was in power in the US. If the present Democratic Obama administration advocating no-nuke and peace puts an end to the Korean War peacefully this year, though belatedly, it will improve its image.

Victorious July 27 of DPRK

The victory of the Korean people in the Korean War (June 25, 1950-July 27, 1953) added a distinguished page to the history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

Day of great victory

When the United States forced a war on the DPRK, there were few people who thought the latter, less than two years since its founding, would emerge victorious in the war.

The US, boasting of being “the strongest” in the world as it experienced no defeat in over 110 wars, committed to the Korean front one-third of its ground force, one-fifth of its air force, the greater part of the Pacific Fleet plus troops of its 15 vassal states, the south Korean army and the remnants of the defeated Japanese army and squandered US$ 165 billion in value in those days.

The Korean War, however, was recorded in history as the first-ever defeat of the US.

During the three-year-long war three commanders of the “United Nations Forces,” all American generals, were replaced and the US much-touted “invincible divisions” met their tragic end.

In the war the US lost more than 1 567 120 soldiers including 405 490 GIs and colossal amount of combat equipment and war supplies including over 12 220 airplanes, over 560 warships and other vessels, over 3 250 tanks and armored cars, over 13 350 trucks, over 7 690 guns and more than 925 150 small arms. After sustaining a heavy loss of manpower and materials nearly 2.3 times greater than it had suffered in the four-year-long Pacific War, it had no other choice but to sign an armistice agreement.

At nine in the evening of July 27, 1953, fireworks were displayed over the sky of Pyongyang, the capital city of the DPRK, in celebration of war victory to be followed by a grand mass rally next day.

On the contrary, lamentations on defeat in the war swept over the US. The then US President Eisenhower confessed in his radio interview, 59 minutes after the armistice agreement was signed, that its was a tragically bitter one. Clark, “commander of the UN Forces,” deplored that he gained the unenviable distinction of being the first USA commander in history to sign an armistice agreement without victory. Former US Secretary of State Marshall admitted: “The myth exploded to atoms, and it became clear to everyone that the United States was not so strong as others thought her to be.”

July 27 was etched in the memory of the Korean people as the day of a great victory that they defended the freedom and independence of the country by smashing to the smithereens the myth of the “mightiness” of the US.

The Korean people rendered great services to defending the world peace and security by foiling the US scheme to bring the world under its control with the Korean Peninsula as a springboard.

Day of eternal victory

The DPRK-US confrontation on the Korean Peninsula has continued after the ceasefire, drawing the limelight of the international community as one of the hottest points on the earth for over half a century.

Ceaseless war maneuvers of the US, including the incident of Pueblo, a US armed spy ship, in January 1968, and that of large espionage plane EC-121 in April 1969, the Pammunjom incident in August 1976, the first nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula between 1993 and 1994 and other outbreak of nuclear crisis in the new century, and its anti-DPRK hostile policy have always rendered the situation on the Korean Peninsula on the eve of a war. All those incidents, however, ended in the defeat on the part of the US without expectation, that is, the victory of the Korean people.

Last year, the international community witnessed the victory of the Korean people in the standoff with the US-led imperialist forces.

In March last year when preparations for the launch of Kwangmyongsong No. 2, a trial communication satellite, was in full swing in the DPRK the US and its followers made frantic attempts to foil it, trying to disguise it as a “missile launch”.  Japan, in particular, declared it as its state policy to “intercept” the satellite in case the DPRK would launch it, and even deployed several guided-missile destroyers in the coastal waters of Korea. The DPRK declared should there be an “act of interception” of its satellite for peaceful purposes it would mercilessly deal retaliatory blows not only to the already-deployed interceptive means but to major targets. On April 5, the second artificial satellite of the DPRK was launched into space.

When the UN Security Council, at the instigation of the US, asserted sanctions on the DPRK, taking issue with its satellite launch, an independent right of a sovereign state, the DPRK demanded it make an immediate apology. It also warned that, in case the UNSC does not make an apology, it would be compelled to take additional self-defensive measures, including nuclear tests, in order to defend its supreme interests.

It finally conducted its second nuclear test on May 25. When the UNSC adopted on June 12 a “resolution on sanctions” against the DPRK, finding faults with its nuclear test, the DPRK denounced and rejected it, declaring that it would bolster up its nuclear deterrent and take resolute military counteractions against an attempted blockade of any kind by the US and its followers, regarding it as an act of war.

Early in July last year it carried out its successive missile launch, proving that its declaration is by no means a lip service.

The tougher measure of the DPRK to counter “sanctions” with retaliation and “confrontation” with an all-out confrontation has brought another victory in its showdown with the US. Such a winning streak on the part of the Korean people makes their victorious July 27 more conspicuous.

July 27 will shine forever as the day of victory of the Korean people.