Articles: Kim Jong Il

On the Fundamentals of Revolutionary Party Building



(October 10, 1992)






Safeguarding and developing the socialist cause is the most important task now facing revolutionary parties and peoples. Although it is undergoing trials, socialism is as ever the objective of the struggle of revolutionary parties as well as the aspiration of progressive people. This is shown clearly by the fact that many revolutionary parties throughout the world have signed the declaration, which was adopted in Pyongyang in April this year, the declaration for safeguarding and promoting the socialist cause.
How the socialist cause is promoted depends on how the party, which leads this cause, is built and how it's leading role is enhanced. The history of the struggle for socialism can be called the history of building the working-class party and of its activities. The whole course of the bloody struggle of the working class and other sections of the working masses for socialism shows that the key to victory lies in party building and party activities and that the failure has its causes in party building and party activities.
Now that revolutionary parties have adopted the Pyongyang Declaration as their common fighting programmed and are understanding a fresh struggle for socialism, it is extremely important to conduct a correct review of the historical experience and lessons of party building. Such a review is also a Pressing matter in enabling our officials and Party members to heighten their vigilance against ail the attempts of the class enemies who are bent on destroying the revolutionary party of the working class, to strengthen the party steadily, to enhance its leading role and thus to continue to promote the socialist cause vigorously.
The setback faced by socialism in a number of countries is a serious lesson for us. Here it is particularly important for us to understand clearly why parties that had guided the socialist cause through arduous struggles for many decades collapsed so quickly. That is important because party leadership is vital to the socialist cause.
A socialist society is an advanced society that represents the popular masses' desire for independence, and humanity's advance towards socialism is the trend of historical development. The working-class party guides the tide of human history towards socialism, and the progress of socialist society requires that the working- class party should be developed and strengthened steadily. The collapse of socialist ruling parities and socialism's return to capitalism in some countries in recent years can be considered as abnormal, passing phenomena in the light of the general trend of human history.
The collapse of parties, which had been building socialism, was an abnormal occurrence also in view of the circumstances and conditions for Party building and op activities. The circumstances and conditions for party building and party activities in socialist society are incomparable superior to those in capitalist society. In socialist society there are no socio-economic and class conditions restricting the building and activities of the working-class Party, the Party's social and class foundations are broad, and the party has greater possibilities for winning the support and confidence of the popular masses through the implementation of popular policies. The collapse of socialist ruling parties in spite of this is explain by the fact that party building and Party activities were no conducted proper.
The most important factor in party building and party activities is to strengthen the party's organizational and ideological bases.
The working-class party is a political organization that has been formed on the basis of the working-class ideology, and as such how its organizational and ideological bases are built is a basic factor that is essential to its existence. The working-class party must lay and strengthen its organizational and ideological foundations in the whole process of preparing its foundation and development. The strengthening of its organizational and ideological foundations is particularly important when the inheritance of the party leadership is an issue, because at that moment the class enemies at home and for and schemers and ambitious elements that are greedy for power maneuver more overtly than ever.
If its organizational and ideological bases are solid, the socialist ruling party can thwart all the schemes of the imperialists and class enemies to undermine the party. Treachery within the Party is a greater danger to the existence of the party than destructive moves from outside, but whether or not treachery can be prevented depends on the solidity of its organizational and ideological foundations. If the party adheres to revolutionary principles and has durable organizational and ideological foundations, its leadership will not fall into the hands of traitors to the revolution, and should the leadership fall into their hands, the traitors will find it difficult to impose their counterrevolutionary line upon the party organizations and party members. But the organizational and ideological foundations of several parities were weakened because of a bend towed bourgeois liberalism that had infiltrated them. Taking advantage of this weakness, the traitors to the revolution were able to dictate their counterrevolutionary line to their subordinates openly. In particular the body of cadre, the backbone of the organizational and theological foundations of the party, was not built up well and ideological degeneration was evident among them. Therefore, many cadres failed to distinguish between the revolution and counterrevolution clearly and, even when the counterrevolutionary nature of the traitors was identified, they ideologically sympathized with them and followed them blindly or flattered them submissively, for the purpose of self-protection in preference. Of course, the staunch communists preserved their conscience of party membership and fought to defend the party and socialism. But their struggle could not halt the adverse current of counterrevolution that had emerged due to the long-term degeneration of the party.
Another important matter in the building and activates of the working-class party is the fortification of its mass foundation.
It is an essential condition for the existence of the working-class party that represents the interests of the masses to strike root among the masses. Without the support of the masses the working-class party cannot maintain its existence.
For the socialist ruling party to consolidate its mass base it is essential for it to build socialism successfully so as to display the advantages of the socialist system to the full and. at the same time, to work well with the masses and equip them fully with the socialist ideology. Fundamentally speaking, the working-class party is a party of the popular masses themselves, which fights in defense of their interests. Therefore, if the working masses oppose the working-class party it means that they are opposing themselves. But if the socialist ruling party fails to bring the superiority of the socialist system into full play because of the inefficient organization and leadership of socialist construction, and if it fails to overcome bureaucracy and other outmoded work methods and styles, and bribery and other forms of irregularities and corruption, within the party, it may become divorced from the masses. As for bureaucracy, it was in evidence in the early days of the building of socialism. It was more or less inevitable that officials should employ outmoded work methods and styles because they pertained the remnants of outmoded ideas and had no experience of the management of socialist society. But the officials' outmoded work methods and styles at that time did no result in such a serious consequence as jeopardizing the revolutionary achievements, because the workers and peasants were giving strong support to the working-class party and the socialist power that has freed them from exploitation and oppression. With the passage of time, however, the people's class awareness dulled and their demands increased, whereas bureaucratic practices grew mere serious as the cadres were replaced by members of the new generation that lacked revolutionary training and, worse still, irregularities and corruption which had been a minor problem in the early period of building socialism increased to a considerable extent. These evils do not emanate from the nature of the working-class party and the socialist society, but from outmoded ideological remnants and bourgeois ideology. So they can be overcome if the Party strengthens its organizational and ideological work and combats them. But, many parties paid no due attention to the organizational and ideological work of the party. As a result, they were unable to eliminate such unsound elements as bureaucracy, irregularities and corruption. Meanwhile, they neglected the work of educating the popular masses in the socialist ideology and tolerated ideological and cultural infiltration by the imperialists. Consequently, the political consciousness of many people dulled and they were deceived by the anti-socialist maneuver of the imperialists and reactionaries. Renegade socialists and deaconries, talking about "democracy" and "glasnost", used the shortcomings revealed in the socialist ruling parties as a means of misleading public opinion. But, if the popular masses had been fully armed with the socialist ideology, many people would not have been fooled by the counterrevolutionaries and would not have opposed their parties and governments.
The degeneration within socialist government parties, which resulted in the frustration of socialism, began with their discarding the revolutionary principles for building a working-class party. The revolutionary principles for building a working-class party were put for ward in Marxism-Leninism. The founders of Marxism, who believed that a vanguard for the working-class was needed to lead its revolutionary struggle to victory, formed the Columnist Union, the political organization of the working-class, and founded the First International, and they worked hard to develop the international communist movement under the party's leadership. In the course of this, the founders of Marxism established a number of party-building principles. Lenin, upholding Marxist principles for party building, developed the theory of party building in accordance with the historical conditions in which the proletarian revolution became necessary with capitalism's transition to the stage of imperialism. He defined the poor peasantry, along with the working class, as the motive force of the revolution and, on that new class basis, founded a revolutionary party. With the victory of the October Socialist Revolution in Russia under the leadership of Lenin's Party, Marxist-Leninist principles for party building became the universal principles for party building recognized by the columnist and workers' parties.
The new era of independence in which the popular masses shape their destiny independently and creatively required a fresh development in party--building theories. As a theory in the period of the struggle of the working-class party for the seizure of power, the Marxist-Leninist theory of party building did not clarify the details of how the working-class party in power should develop itself and conduct its activities. Many new theoretical and practical prowlers occurred in the building and archives of the party as the leading political organization of society after its seizure of power and the establishment of the socialist system. But several parties followed Marxism-Leninism dogmatically, claiming that it was their guiding principle. As a resu1t they did not develop a party-building theory as required by the situation in which socialism was being built. Therefore, they failed to find correct solutions to such new problems as those of strengthening their ranks organizationally and ideologically and consolidating their mass foundations to suit their ruing position. When the limitations of the Marxist-Leninist theory of party building were revealed, the modem revisionists, taking advantage of them, led the working-class parties to degeneration. Under the pretext of developing the Marxist-Leninist party-building theory in accordance with the changed circumstances and conditions, the modern revisionists emasculated the theory's revolutionary essence, weakened their parties systematically and paralyzed their leadership functions.
A socialist society requires that the working-class party should be strengthened steadily and its leadership role enhanced. Socialist society, which is based on collectivism, can nether neither maintains itself nor blazes a trail successfully towards socialism and communism without the correct political leadership of the party. In the course of many years of living in comfort in socialist society, the revolutionary spirit may gradually disappear and idle and easy-going practices come to prevail among the new generation and other people who have not experienced exploitation, oppression and unship. All this requires the strengthening of the party and the improvement of its leading role, as well as a more positive effort to educate party members and other people in the revolutionary spirit. But, many socialist ruing parties neglected to strengthen themselves and to provide party members and the people with revolutionary education, believing that everything would go well merely if they built the economy after the establishment of the socialist system. Economic construction is an important task for socialist ruling parties after the establishment of the socialist system. But, if they emphasize only economic construction and neglect to strengthen them and to educate party members and the people in the revolutionary spirit, they cannot build even the economy successfully and may lose the gains of the socialist revolution.
The socialist government parties and the socialist systems collapsed in many countries, not just a few, because they had failed to establish Juche in their development and activities.
Establishing Juche is the fundamental requirement in the building and the activities of a revolutionary party. The revolutionary party of the working class is an independent political organization, which combats domination and subordination in all forms and struggles to realize the independence of the working masses. Therefore the revolutionary party must resolve all the problems that arise in its building and activities with its own ideas and by its own efforts. Of course, in the early days of the imitational communist movement the guidance and assistance of the imitational center was necessary for the countries whose communist hard core was not sufficiency Prepared to carry out the cause of party building.
As history developed and the revolution progressed, a columnist hard core and revolutionary forces grew up in different countries and every party became able to conduct the revolution independently in keeping with the specific conditions in its own country. In this historical situation it was not realistic for an international center to guide the parties and revolutionary movements of different countries in a uniform way, so the Columnist International ceased to exist.
But even after the Commenter had been dissolved, old practices lasted for a long time in the relations between communist and workers' parties, practices expressed in their dogmatic acceptance of the party lines and policies of a major country which had carried out the socialist revolution earlier. The good experience of others should be adopted, but in such a case it should be assimilated creatively to suit the specific situation in the country concerned. Since the specific conditions vary with the country, socialism cannot be built successfully if foreign experience is adopted dogmatically. Nevertheless, many parties, being in the habit of copying the lines and policies of the party of another country, followed the other when it abandoned socialist Principles and pursued revisionism. They even accepted the counterrevolutionary lines, which the traitors to socialism dictated to them. This resulted in the collapse of the socialist government parties in the Soviet Union and east European countries and in the almost simultaneous collapse of the socialist systems in these countries. If the socialist government parties had resolved all the problems arising in their development and activities from their own point of view, with an attitude befitting masters who are responsible for the revolution in their own country, and to meet the requirements of their own people and the situation in their own country, the socialist government parties and socialist systems in these countries would not have collapsed.
The process of the disintegration of parties that had seized power after an arduous revolutionary struggle and had spent decades building socialism and of the destruction of the socialist systems is a serious lesson.
The historical lesson from the collapse of the socialist ruling parties and of the socialist systems in many countries is that the purity of the socialist idea must be maintained firmly if the cause of socialism is to be completed.
Historical experience shows that when people's ideology degenerates, both the working-class party and the socialist system will also become degenerate and cease to exist. The emergence of renegades from the party, the organizational and ideological disintegration of the party and the change in public feelings all sated from degeneration in ideology. If ideology degenerates, even great economic and military powers will collapse and the socialist system that has been developed for decades will inevitably be destroyed.
The most dangerous ideological trend, which undermines socialism, is that of revisionism, dogmatism and flunkeyism.
The idea, which is directly antagonistic to the socialist idea, is the bourgeois idea, but the bourgeois idea cannot prevent the attraction of the socialist idea. The bourgeois idea, that reflects the avaricious demands of the exploiter classes, cannot conceal its reactionary nature, no matter what hypocrisy is used to embellish it. It is natural that the working masses should accept the socialist idea, which reflects their demand for independence instead of the bourgeois idea, which reflects the demands of the exploiter classes that infringe upon their independence. Therefore, the imperialists and capitalists have used revisionism, which is the revision of the socialist idea, to cater to their desires, as an ideological installment. As it was in the past, so at present, too, revisionism is the main threat to the accomplishment of the socialist cause. Being the reflector of the bourgeois idea, which emerged in the communist movement, revisionism has prevented revolutionary transition to socialism in capitalist countries and has been used by the imperialists as their ideological instrument in their strategy of “peaceful transition”, by opening the road to the return to capitalism in socialist countries. But no matte how carefully modem revisionism may disguise itself, we must identify its reactionary nature and categorically oppose and reject it.
Dogmatism and flunkeyism are also dangerous ideological elements in the accomplishment of the cause of socialism. Dogmatism and flunkeyism prevent the socialist idea from displaying its full vitality. Those who are steeped in dogmatism and sycophancy will dance to the tune of other instead of acting in accordance with their own beliefs, will adopt revisionism if others practice revisionism and, ultimately, will harbor illusions about the developed capitalist countries and recklessly introduce capitalist methods. We must not tolerate even the slightest expression of dogmatism and sycophancy and must solve all problems to meet the requirements of our people and the situation in our country, maintaining our own beliefs at all times.
Another historical lesson to be learned from the collapse of the socialist ruling parties and of the socialist systems in some countries is that continuity of leadership must be ensured if one is to complete the cause of socialism.
We cannot regard the responsibility for the disintegration of the socialist ruling parties as resting with ordinary party members. In any of those countries ordinary party members have faithfully supported the cause of the working-class party and grieved at its collapse. The problem was that the continuity of revolutionary leadership was not ensured.
The destiny of the cause of socialism, which emerges in the fierce struggle against the class enemies, depends on how leadership of it is ensured. The struggle for socialism has developed in many countries over a long historical period, but correct leadership for it has not always been ensured. Leadership of the cause of socialism can be ensured only when an outstanding leader stands at its center. There is no greater fortune for people than being guided by a leader who enjoy their absolute trust for his brilliant wisdom, outstanding leadership ability and noble virtue as well as for his lasting achievements. This does not mean that People who have no such great leader cannot carry out the cause of socialism. The mot valuable of the traits of a leader who leads the cause of socialism is his loyalty to this cause and to the people. A leader derives wisdom, leadership ability and virtue from the popular masses. The people are teachers, and there cannot be a prominent leader who is isolated from the people. Correct leadership will be ensured when the leader mixes with the popular masses at all times, listens to their opinions and solves everything by relying on their strength, and the leader who has such popular leadership qualities is a true leader of the People. Disregarding the opinions of the people and not believing in their strength are the traits of a renegade. If such a renegade holds power, the misfortune the people will suffer will be immeasurable. The greatest misery for people is to have the wrong leader.
If continuity of leadership is to be ensured in a socialist society, the party should be strong. In general, the personality and qualities of the leader of a columnist movement are formed through a process in which he is tempered and tested in a fierce class struggle. But the personality and qualities of the leader of the new generation in a socialist society are shaped in the course of his being tempered and seasoned through a party life and the practical work of building socialism. If an admirable leader is to come forward, a leader who has been tempered and tested through a party life and revolutionary practice in a socialist society, the party should be powerful. Historical experience shows that it is quite possible for an excellent leader to come forward who is faithful to the cause of socialism and the people and is well-qualified and can cap forward the cause of socialism successfully if the problem of continuity of leadership is solved in a foresighted way on the basis of strengthening the party organizationally and ideologically and observing party principles.
The collapse of the socialist ruling parties and the destruction of the socialist systems in many countries are a great loss to the cause of independence for the popular masses. But if one learns a lesson from one's failure and opens up the revolutionary path of party building independently and creatively, one will be able to build a more revolutionary and militant party and continually promote the cause of socialism under the leadership of the party.
The bitter experience of the collapse of the socialist ruling parties and the destruction of the socialist systems in many countries demands that we should recognize more clearly the validity of our Party's line of building a Juche party and work still harder to implement it.
Our party has always solved in its own way, proceeding from a Juche stand, all the problems which have been raised in the building of the party and in its activities. Had our party followed others in the building of the party and in its activities, it would have been harmed. In the history of our party, too, there were at one time pressure from outside forces and schemes by factionalists infected with flunkeyism who demanded that we should follow others. But, our party did not move even a single step from its Juche line. Because we have built our party and conducted its activities in our own way, our Party is leading the revolution and construction energetically as a militant detachment, which is united in one mind, even in today's complex situation.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung has created a Juche theory on party building and comprehensively systematized it after founding a Juche-based revolutionary party which he has led on the basis of the Juche idea, and has also performed immortal exploits and accumulated valuable experience in party building. This is a great achievement and a sure guarantee for continually strengthening and developing our Party as a revolutionary party of a Juche type.
The Juche idea is the sole guiding idea of our Party.
The guiding idea of a party is its fundamental idea, which clarifies the goal of its struggle as well as the principles and ways for achieving that goal. The character of the party and the basic direction of its building and activities are defined by its guiding idea. The party is a political organization of people with the same idea. Therefore, a scientific and revolutionary guiding idea for the party should be abolished before anything else in party building. It is only when the party has a scientific and revolutionary guiding idea that it will be able to convince its members and other people of the validity of its cause and give them confidence in victory, to achieve the unity and cohesion of the party and the revolutionary ranks in ideology and will and to lead the revolution and construction to victory based upon a correct strategy and proper techs.
The guiding ideas of the revolutionary parties of the working class share common ground in that they reflect the desire of the popular masses, the driving force of the revolution, for independence, and their interests. Nevertheless, they have their own specific features because the situation in every country is different. In the past it was stressed that the parties of all countries should have one guiding idea, which was approved by all. But the fact that the party of each country should work independently, with its own guiding idea, and that it should develop its guiding idea creatively, was neglected. This was an obstacle for every country in building the party and making the revolution independently to suit its own situation. It is only when a correct guiding idea is created and developed from an independent and creative stand that a party can be built independently and the revolution and construction be conducted successfully, taking the idea as its guiding principle.
Because a party has to create a guiding idea to keep abreast of the changing circumstances and its own situation, it should not renounce the revolutionary principles that should be maintained invariably in the building of the party and in its activities. The conditions, under which the party works, as well as its duties, change in the course of accomplishing the cause of socialism; therefore, the theoretical and practical problems arising in the building of the party and in its activities should be solved creatively to conform to this. But, revolutionary principles should invariably be maintained because the class character of the party and its historical mission cannot change. Renouncing revolutionary principles because of changes in the circumstances and conditions means destroying the revolutionary party and betraying the revolutionary cause of the popular masses.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung created the Juche idea and thus found a brilliant way of providing a guiding ideology for the Party to meet the requirements of the times and the situation in our country. The validity and vitality of a revolutionary idea are defined by how correctly the idea reflects the masses' desire for independence and their interests and how scientifically it explains the way to meet them. The Juche idea accurately reflects the fundamental requirements of the working class and the other working masses and explains the way it should be implemented in an absolutely scientific manner. The fundamental demand of the working class and the other working people is to end exploitation and oppression of man by man and to enjoy an independent and creative life as masters of the state and society. Because it mirrors the masses' desire for independence and explains the way in which it should be implemented in a comprehensive manner, the Juche idea is a perfect revolutionary ideology of the working class which reflects the new age in which the popular masses have emerged in the arena of history as masters of their destiny. It is only when party building and its activities are guided by the Juche idea that the party can consolidate and develop itself steadily and conduct the revolution and construction with success. This has been proved in our revolutionary practice.
Developing our Party into a mass party of the working people is a basic policy of building it.
Formerly a party was regarded as a political organization of a class, representing and defending the class's interests, and as a weapon in the class struggle. The party is the vanguard of a class, which fights to realize the demands and aspirations of that class. But, if it is built into a party for that class alone, it is impossible for it to perform its duties properly as a revolutionary party or to win the support of the broad masses of the people. The situation now, in which the broad masses of the people have emerged as the masters of their destiny, requires that the working-class party be developed into a mass party which represents the interests of all the people and embraces progressive elements from all classes and sections of the working population. In socialist society in which all strata of the popular masses have become socialist working People and the social and class composition is becoming more and more homogeneous, it is all the more necessary to develop the working-class party into a mass Parts.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung, displaying scientific insight into the requirements of our times and the specific situation of our revolution, put forward the theory of building a mass party, thus paving a new way for the building of a revolutionary party. The theory on building a mass party evolved by the great leader is based on the Juche revolutionary principle that the popular masses are the masters and the motive force of the revolution and construction. The cause of socialism is an undertaking by the people and for the People. Today, when the broad masses, of the people are aspiring to socialism and the social and class foundations of socialism have been expanded as never before, the party which fights for the cause of socialism must naturally be developed into a mass party which represents the interests of all the people and strikes root among the broad working masses.
The party's development into a mass party must not result in the weakening or alternation of its revolutionary and working-class character. The class character of the party is defined by its guiding ideology and fighting objectives; its revolutionary character is manifested in its loyalty to the revolutionary ideology of the working class and to the socialist cause. The cause of the working class conforms to the interests of all the people, and the working class can achieve the socialist cause successfully only when it rallies broad strata of the population behind it. It is, therefore, a legitimate requirement in building the revolutionary party to develop it into a mass party which champions the interests of all the People and comprises fanners and intellectuals as well as the working class. Experience shows that when it fails to become a mass party of the working people, a party may be reduced to a political minority of communists when faced with difficulties in the revolution. Only when it is built as a mass party which thoroughly champions the masses' desire for independence and their interests and strikes root among wide sections of the working people, can the party maintain unbreakable ties with the masses and succeed in the socialist cause by relying on the inexhaustible energies of the people who are rallied behind it.
The great leader, on the basis of the line of building a mass party, built a revolutionary party of Juche which consists of advanced elements of the workers, farmers and working intellectuals and champions the interests of the popular masses, and thus set a brilliant example in the building of a mass party. He had not only a hammer and sickle symbolizing the workers and fanners but also a brush symbolizing the working intellectuals form the Party's emblem, to suit the characteristics of our Party, a mass Party, and has led the Party to form a harmonious whole with the masses and render loyal service to all the people so as to provide them with an independent and creative life. Our Party has developed into an unconquerable revolutionary Party, which enjoys the unqualified support and trust of the popular masses. It has become a powerful motive force for the revolution by welding itself with the masses into a socio-political organism, which shares a common destiny. This is an excellent fruition of the great leader's line of building a mass party, and it ensures all our victories.
Firmly establishing monolithic ideology and leadership within the Party is a fundamental principle in the building of our Party.
Its monolithic ideology and leadership ensure the durability and vitality of a revolutionary party. Monolithic ideology and leadership is essential for the unity of idea and purpose within the party and for its effective leadership of the revolution and construction.
Monolithic ideology and leadership in a party is best achieved when a distinguished leader guides the party. A leader who is endowed with great intelligence, outstanding leadership ability and noble virtue can formulate lines and policies which reflect the masses' desire for independence and their interests accurately and organize and guide their creative activities successfully. A party, which does not support its leader's ideology and guidance or does not inherit his cause, cannot be called a revolutionary party.
Monolithic ideology and leadership in a party is guaranteed by centralist discipline, and can be ensured only when the party has established a centralist work system and order by which all party organizations and all its members obligatorily implement its lines and policies, and by which its entire membership acts as one in accordance with the instructions of its central committee.
The establishment of monolithic ideology and leadership in a party does not conflict with democracy, but provides a sure guarantee for genuine democracy. When no such ideology and leadership is established and unprincipled democracy is permitted within the party, democracy may be suppressed by bureaucracy and arbitrariness manifested among officials who lack in party discipline, and the unity and cohesion of the party may be broken and division encouraged by undesirable elements hidden in the party. The occurrence of undisciplined practices and disorder and the emergence of factions in some parties over recent years, which led finally to their disintegration and collapse, were due in no small measure to the failure to ensure their monolithic ideology and leadership, resulting from undue emphasis on "democracy". It is only when monolithic ideology and leadership are combined properly with democracy in a party that true comradely unity is achieved among party members, the unity of superiors and subordinates is guaranteed, and its lines and policies are implemented with success. Making it the basic principle in Party building to maintain monolithic ideology and leadership, our Party has established the monolithic ideological and leadership system firmly among its entire membership and thus has been able to develop and strengthen itself into an unbreakable, militant organization which thinks and acts as one under the guidance of the leader. Our experience in Party building shows that democracy based on unshakable, monolithic ideology and leadership makes it possible for a party to promote the revolution and construction forcefully by uniting all its members firmly with one ideology and purpose.
It is our main task in Party building to strengthen the Party's unity and cohesion. The unity and cohesion of the party is its lifeblood and the source of its might. The party whose and cohesion is disrupted cannot maintain its existence. The unity and cohesion of the party is a prerequisite for achieving the political and ideological unity of the whole society. The unity of the broad masses behind the party and the leader in their struggle constitutes the major driving force in the rapid development of socialist society and is the source of its unconquerable might. The political and ideological unity of the whole society is inconceivable without the unity and cohesion of the party. The party is the hard core joining the popular masses with the leader organizationally and ideologically. In order to achieve the political and ideological unity of the whole society by rallying the popular masses firmly behind the leader it is essential, before all else, to achieve the unity and cohesion of the Party's ranks, the hard core.
The unity and cohesion of the party behind the leader in ideology and purpose, as well as in morality and loyalty, is the most durable of unity and cohesion. An association, which is based on, a mere sense of duty or on business routine cannot last long, nor can it withstand the severe trials of the revolution. Only solid, single-hearted unity behind the leader which is based on one ideology and purpose and on loyalty to the revolution can be unbreakable unity and cohesion that are capable of overcoming all hardships and trials.
The work of strengthening the unity and cohesion of the party must be steadily intensified. If we, resting content with the unity and cohesion of the Party that has been achieved, do not make continued efforts to consolidate it, the unity and cohesion may be gradually weakened and, in the long run, destroyed. It is important to launch an effective struggle to preserve the unity and cohesion of the party, especially when one revolutionary generation is replaced by another and when the situation, internal and extremely, is complex. Historical experience shows that in such a situation, ambitious elements and renegades appear and try to wreck the unity and cohesion of the Party.
The struggle to maintain the unity and cohesion of the party is, in the final analysis, a fight against heterogeneous ideological trends that are detrimental to the unity and cohesion of the party. The most dangerous of the ideological trends that undermine the party's unity and cohesion is factionalism and other counterrevolutionary ideological trends. If we tolerate counterrevolutionary ideological trends within the party, anti-party groups will be formed on their basis and will destroy the party. In order to maintain the unity and cohesion of the party, it is also necessary to guard against parochialism, nepotism and other unsound ideological elements. Parochialism and nepotism are seeds of factions and, if they are connived at, may grow into factions and break the unity and cohesion of the party. We must remember that heterogeneous ideological elements that are harmful to the Party's unity and cohesion can germinate from the rends of outmoded ideas or infiltrate from outside, and we must always be vigilant.
Historical experience shows that, if we neglect the consolidation of the unity and cohesion of the party, in the belief that the unity and cohesion of the party will not be destroyed in socialist society, factional forces may appear in the party and challenge the party, in collusion with counterrevolutionary forces outside the party, and this will incur grave consequences. Only when we develop the work of consolidating the unity and cohesion of the party, regarding it as the main task in party building, can we strengthen and develop its unity and cohesion down through the generators.
Our Party achieved solid unity and cohesion a long time ago. Not resting content with this, however, it has continued to work hard to strengthen the single-hearted unity of the whole Party around the leader, so that it maintains unbreakable unity and cohesion, without any vacillation even in the present complex situation.
It is the consistent policy of our Party to stress ideology in party building.
A party is a political organization of people who are united by a common ideology. Therefore, its ranks should be strengthened with the main stress on ideology. This means that the party's ranks should be mad up of people who are loyal to the cause of socialism, judged mainly by how strong a belief they have in the party's ideology. Only when the party's ranks are strengthened with people who have a high level of ideological consciousness and are loyal to the cause of socialism, is it possible to ensure the party's solid unity in ideology and purpose and its strong revolutionary character and enhance the vanguard role of party members in the revolutionary struggle and construction work. Therefore, it is essential in bulling up the party's rank to judge people mainly and always by their ideological level and their loyalty to the cause of socialism, while taking into account their socio-class position and background. Even in a society where the hostile class has been eliminated and all the members of society have become socialist working people, the principle of giving priority to ideology in building up the party's ranks must no be violated. In a socialist society, too, some people who are not prepared politically and ideologically may possibly attempt to join the party in pursuit of selfish interests and farm. But such people are not qualified for party membership and, if they are admitted to the Party, the dignity and prestige of the party may be damaged and the party itself be weakened.
In building a party by judging people's ideological criteria, it is extremely important to form the ranks of cadres with officials who are infinitely loyal to the party, the leader and the revolution. Cadres are the backbone of the party; they educate the masses and direct the revolution. The strength of the party depends largely on the quality of its cadres. Cadres need to be competent but more importantly, should have a sound ideology. Loyalty to the party the leader and the revolution is the first criterion of a cadre. To form the cadre ranks manly on the criterion of loyalty to the party, the leader and the revolution is a fundamental matter that has a bearing on the future of the party. The major obstacle to forming the cadre ranks with the main stress on ideology is the violation of party principles because of favoritism, personal acquainted and the like in the work of personnel administration. If party principles are disregarded in personnel administration, unqualified people may be admitted to the ranks of cadres or even alien elements may worm their way into them.
With a view to ensuring the purity of the ranks of cadres, our Party has established strict procedures for the appointment, the dismissal and the ratification of cadres and has ensured that cadres are selected and appointed on the basis of collective discussion by the Party committee and on the principle of unanimous approval. Thus, only those whose loyalty and ability have been verified in revolutionary practice have been selected and appointed as cadres. The experience of our Party shows that only when the ranks of cadres are bullet up mainly on ideological criteria cans the Party be strengthened organizationally and ideologically and, on this basis, the cause of the Party be accomplished down through the generations.
Establishing a monolithic ideology is the major task of our Party.
The building of socialism and communism is the process of modeling the whole society on the revolutionary ideology of the working class. Our Party set the ultimate objective of our revolution to be the modeling of the whole society on the Juche idea and has work hard to occupy the ideological and material fatnesses of socialism and communalism by transforming our ideology, technology and culture to meet the requirements of Juche.
The main aspect of modeling the whole society on one ideology is to instill our monolithic theology in all the members of society. People are the masters of society and a person's value and quality are defined, and all his activities are regulated, by his ideological consciousness. Therefore, in order to transform the whole of society on a single ideology, it is essential, above all else, to educate people and transform their ideology.
People not only transform nature and society but also reform themse1ves. The ideological transformation of people is also influenced by changes and developments in the objective conditions of society. In particular, the change and development of the social system exert a great influence on the change and deve1opment of ideological consciousness. But a change in the objective conditions does not bring about that of people's ideological consciousness spontaneously. Ideological consciousness is consciousness, which reflects the demands and interests of people and it, has relative solidity. Unless people work to remold their ideological consciousness, regardless of changes in the objective circumstances and conditions, their ideological consciousness will not be transformed. If we believe that people will acquire the socialist ideology automatically after the establishment of the socialist system and neglect their ideological transformation, old ideologies may revive. The transformation of people's ideological consciousness is more difficult than the reform of the social relations and the development of the forces of production. The remnants of old ideologies are very conservative and revive whenever the possibility arises. Ideological transformation, particularly in confrontation with imperialism, is accompanied by a serious class struggle. Therefore, we must direct greater efforts to ideological transformation and give definite Priority to it over all other work.
The ideology with which we should equip the members of society should be an excellent one. There cannot be a vacuum in people's ideological consciousness. Unless we have a good ideology that is superior to the old ideologies we cannot succeed in ideological transformation.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung originated the Juche idea and, while leading the arduous revolutionary struggle for nearly 70 years, has produced a full clarification of how a revolutionary should live and struggle, setting a fine example in doing so, and thus Providing us with good ideo-spiritual wealth for ideological transformation. The revolutionary ideology of the great leader and the history of his revolutionary struggle are an invaluable textbook and example for imbuing the whole society with an ideology. The loyalty to the Party and the leader of our anti-Japanese revolutionary forerunners, the heroic soldiers who fought in the Fatherland Liberation War and the heroes of socialist revolution and consummation and their devoted service to the country and the people are also a priceless asset in ideological transformation.
An old ideology does not give way to a good, new one of its own accord. A good ideology, needless to say, is very attractive. But, since the imperialists and the reactionaries are playing many tricks in an attempt to slur the socialist ideology and beautify and embellish the bourgeois ideology, it is not easy for people to accept an advanced ideology. Only through a struggle to oppose the reactionary bourgeois ideology and equip the people with the advanced socialist ideology can they be educated and reformed along revolutionary lines. It is the most important task for the parties building socialism to carry out vigorous ideological work to prevent the penetration of the reactionary bourgeois ideology and equip people with the socialist ideology. Only when the revolutionary parties conduct good ideological work to overcome the reactionary bourgeois ideas of all hues and arm people with the advanced socialist ideology can they firmly guarantee the victory of the socialist ideology and succeed in imbuing the whole society with it.
For the ideological transformation of the whole society the party must give priority to the ideological education of its members. In other words, a party must educate its members first and then make them educate the hard core of the masses who, in turn, will educate the broad masses. The education of the hard core of the masses by party members and the education of the broad masses by the hard core of the masses is an effective method of educating and transforming all the member of society, with one person educating ten people, ten people a hundred, a hundred People a thousand, and a thousand people ten thousand. A party member is a political activist by nature and it is the duty of a party member to conduct political work to educate and transform the masses. When a party refuses to give precedence to the ideological education of its members they cannot do their duty as political activists and may degenerate ideologically. It cannot be said that the traitors to the revolution who appeared in some socialist ruling parties were anti-socialist from the first. The parties neglected the revolutionary education and tempering of their cadres and member, with the result that some people gradually degenerated and became traitors. In the light of this lesson we must always pay primary attention to the revolutionary education and tempering of cadres and Party members.
In order to succeed in the ideological temping of Party members we must lead them to live a good Party life. A Party life is a furnace for ideological tempering. When party member fail to lead a party life and leave the control of their party organizations they may become liberal and degenerate ideologically. Proceeding from their need of political integrity party members must participate voluntarily in a party life. Our Party has established a well-regulated system for a Party life, which enables its members to raise their political integrity and fulfill their duties through lead a Party life. Our Party has led all its organizations to guarantee proper organization and guidance so that their members lead a Party life consciously and faithfully in compliance with Party rues, having a correct view of their Party organization, and temper themselves steadily in a revolutionary way through leading a Party life.
Ideology is reformed through ideological education and an ideological struggle. Ideological education is work to equip people with revolutionary ideas; it requires a certain system and definite forms and methods. Our Party has established a well-knit system of ideological education within itself and has run it regularly. It has steadily improved the forms and methods of ideological education as required by the developing situation. The ideological struggle is an important form of ideological transformation that is through criticism; criticism is a tonic for preventing ideological sickness. Our Party has established a sound atmosphere for criticism within itself so that an ideological struggle is conducted through criticism to temper the cadres and its members on revolutionary lines.
For the ideological transformation of the whole society the Party must also educate the masses responsibly. Equipping them with the consciousness of independence and awakening them ideologically manifest the greatest love for the people, and the most serious crime against the people is to paralyze their consciousness of independence and make them ideologically degenerate. The responsible education of the popular masses by a party is an expression of its boundless love for them.
Party organizations should guide all its cadres and members to conduct political work widely among the masses, while at the same time mating the masses through working people's organizations. Conducting work with the masses through working people's organizations is our Party's principle in guiding the masses. The proper guidance of those organizations is an important duty of the socialist ruling party, which is the political leadership organization of society. Working people's organizations must work independently, but they should not be left without the guidance of the working-class party. It is the working-class party that represents the interests of the popular masses most thoroughly in socialist society. So the working people's organizations must always conduct their activities in accorded with the party's lines and policies. The "independence" of the working people's organizations that means freedom from the leadership of the party eventually reduces the working people's organizations to a tool for the counterrevolutionary forces. The socialist ruling party must give correct guidance to the working people's organizations so that they conduct the work of educating and refunding the masses of all strata independency, creatively and skillfully, in accidence with their duties and character as organizations for ideological education. The party's norms for an organizational and ideological life should serve as an example of the organizational and ideological life in the working people's organizations. But, unlike the party that is composed of advanced elements of the working people, the working people's organizations are mass organizations, which embrace the broad masses. As every working people's organization has its own characteristics, its organizational and ideological life should be arranged accordingly.
The fundamental method of mass education is explanation and persuasion. People's ideology cannot be reformed by administrative orders or by coercive methods. People should be encouraged to accept the ideology as their faith through explanation and persuasion. Officials should always explain to the masses and try to persuade them steadily and patiently. Influencing People by positive examples is an effective method of educating them. The affirmative is the progressive and beautiful things that meet the demands of people for independence, so they exert a great influence on people. Support for the affirmative is a criticism of the negative, and shows People the ways of overcoming the negative. Our Party's experience shows that there is no one who cannot be educated and reformed if we conduct explanation and persuasion and influence people properly by positive examples in education.
Great efforts should be directed particularly to the education of the younger generation in the education of the masses. The oldest generation of the revolution should pass down to the younger generation great revolutionary spirit and creative ability. Of course, material wealth should be handed down to the younger generation, but however much martial wealth they may inherit, they will misuse it if they lack revolutionary spirit and creative ability. In those countries where capitalism has revived, many young people took the lead in opposing socialism. This was due to their parties' failure to guide them properly. It is an important duty for socialist ruling parties to educate the younger generation on revolutionary lines so that they firmly defend the socialist system and continue to work for the revolution and accomplish the cause. Historical lesson shows clearly that when the younger generation is not educated in a revolutionary way the revolutionary gains achieved at the cost of blood are lost.
Today in our country the young people are working with devotion to develop socialism further under the leadership of the Party, and all the young people and children are growing up as dependable successors to the revolution. This shows that the leadership of our Party, which has put great effort into the education of the rising generation, is absolutely correct. But we should not rest content with the successes, which have been achieved in the education of the younger generation; we should train them more as redoubles of a Juche type.
It is the basic mission of our Party to guarantee its political leadership of the whole society.
The revolutionary working class party in socialist society is charged with the mission of assuming responsibility for the destiny of the people, forging it and providing independent and creative lives for them. If the party is to fulfill its mission it should ensure its political leadership in politics, the economy, culture, national defense and all other spheres. The party's responsibility for the destiny of the people is inseparable from its leading position. The revolutionary party's renunciation of its leading position and role is the evasion of its responsibility for the destiny of the people. It is the fundamental direction in the building of a socialist ruling party to entrance the leading position and role of the party so that it can fully ensure its political leadership over the whole society.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung wisely guided our Party to strengthen its position as the political leader of society and enhance its role as such. Our people recognize only the Workers' Party of Korea as their political leader and entrust their destiny entirely to the Party, and they are full of a firm determination to complete the revolutionary cause of Juche under the leadership of the Party.
The leadership of a revolutionary party to the revolution and construction should be political leadership.
First of all, the party should draw up correct policies. The lines and policies of a revolutionary party should accurately reflect the masses' desire for independence and their interests and, to this end, the party should heed their aspirations and demands. Our Party has believed in the popular masses as its teacher, always mixed with the masses, listened to them and shaped its policies to reflect their demands and interests. As a result, our Party has been able to avoid deviations to right or left in farming its lines and policies, and our Party's policies have commanded the full support of the popular masses. The party should not only draw up correct policies but also lead its organizations to carry out its policies thoroughly. An important duty for party organizations at all levels is to organize, control and guide the execution of party policies. When party organizations implement party policies correctly, they can translate them into reality so as to promote the revolution and construction.
The party should give priority to political work in all its activities so as to give full play to the revolutionary enthusiasm and creative ability of the popular masses. It is an intrinsic demand of socialist society to give precedence to political work in all activities. The revolutionary enthusiasm and creative ability of the working people who are masters of state and society can be brought into full play only by political methods. The capitalist method of motivating people by coercion or money, which is contrary to the intrinsic nature of socialist society, not only cannot give full play to their revolutionary enthusiasm and creative ability but also results in the degeneration of the socialist system itself only the method of giving full rein to the revolutionary enthusiasm and creative ability of the popular masses by giving priority to political work is a revolutionary method of strengthening the socialist system and giving full play to its advantages. By giving precedence to political work in all its activities our Party has been able to promote the revolution and construction dynamically in reliance on the high revolutionary enthusiasm and creative ability of the popular masses, and to give full play to the advantages of the socialism of our own style which is centered on the popular masses.
The embodiment of the revolutionary mass line is the consistent policy of our Party in its leadership of the revolution and construction.
The revolutionary mass line is a principle of activity, based on the view that the driving force of the revolution and construction is the popular masses. The fundamental demand of the revolutionary mass line is to ensure that the popular masses hold the position of masters of the revolution and construction and fulfill their role as such. The revolutionary party, which represents the interests of the popular masses and serves them must make the revolutionary mass line the fundamental principle of its activities and thoroughly implement the revolutionary mass line throughout the whole course of the struggle for socialism.
If the revo1utionary mass line is to be implemented thoroughly in the archives of the party, the method and style of work of officials should be improved steadily. Officials, and the masses' establish the connation between the parties and the masses support for and trust in the party largely depend on the officials' method and style of work. In socialist society some ill-prepared officials may throw their weight about and act bureaucratically. Essentially, wielding power and acting bureaucratically is a ruling method of the old society for oppressing and exploring the people. As experience shows, if officials abuse their power and resort to bureaucracy, they will cause the divorce of the party and the masses, and may finally bring the party to ruin. To struggle uncompromisingly against the abuse of power and bureaucracy is important work, which the socialist ruling party should not neglect even for a moment.
Since changes of generation take place in the ranks of cadres and the proportion of officials who are not amply tempered in the revolution increases, we have continued to pay great attention to the elimination of outmoded work methods and styles. Under the slogan, "We serve the people!" our Party has guided all our officials to serve the people faithfully and strengthen their kindred relations with the popular masses. As a consequence, our officials have established the revolutionary work method and popular work style whereby they defend the interests of the popular masses, go among them and work in reliance on them, share good time and bad with them, and lead the masses by setting them examples. Our people's strong support for and faith in our Party is the fruition of its revolutionary mass line that it has implemented thoroughly in its activities, and of its unremitting efforts to ensure that officials establish the revolutionary work method and the popular work style.
We must apply more thoroughly the Juche theory on the building of the Party, whose validity and vitality have been demonstrated fully in parched, and thus constantly strengthen our Party and complete the revolutionary cause of Juche under its leadership.
Strengthening internationalist unity and solidarity with revolutionary parties is an important demand for our Party in discharging its national and internationalist duties.
The basic task of a revolutionary party is to provide independence for the popular masses. Their cause for independence is not only national but also the common cause of humanity, and the struggle to realize the independence of the popular masses in each county is closely related to the struggle to make the whole word independent. An independent world is a word, which is free from domination and subjugation and intervention and pressure and in which all countries, and nations exercise complete sovereignty as the masters of their destiny. With the promotion of global independence a favorable international climate is created for the independent development of all countries and nations. Meanwhile, victory in the struggle for the independence of the popular masses in each country reinforces the independent forces of the world and thus accelerates global independence. In league with one another, the imperialists and the reactionary forces of all shades are impeding the fulfillment of the independent cause of the popular masses, and the internationally united reactionary forces are challenging it. This makes it absolutely necessary for all the revolutionary parties and people aspiring after independence to unite and fight against them.
The people of the world are joining the common struggle because they share the same goal and task of struggling for independence. “People of the word advocating independence, unite!”-This is the slogan to be held up by all the people of our era.
If all the people advocating independence are to unite and wage a struggle, first of all the internationalist unity and solidarity of the revolutionary parties, their hard core, should be strengthened.
Strengthening internationalist unity and solidarity in the fulfillment of the cause of independence for the popular masses is an important factor in its triumph. The struggle for the victory of this cause is now going through an ordeal. But if they strengthen their solidarity with one another, unite in a comradely manner and fight on, the revolutionary parties of the world will be able to check and frustrate the counterrevolutionary offensive by the imperialists and reactionaries who are opposed to independence, and to pave the way to victory.
The internationalist unity and solidarity of the revolutionary parties should be realized on the basis of the socialist idea. A revolutionary party that is devoid of the socialist idea is inconceivable and unity and solidarity between the parties that are not based on the socialist idea cannot be called genuinely revolutionary unity and solidarity. The aim of strengthening the internationalist unity and solidarity is not self-serving; it is to achieve in a combined effort the common cause of socialism. It is a bounden duty for revolutionary parties to unite firmly on the basis of the socialist idea.
The Pyongyang Declaration reflects a firm determination to defend and promote the cause of socialism. Its publication is of epochal significance in strengthening the internationalist unity and solidarity of the revolutionary parties and in promoting the socialist cause.
The Pyongyang Declaration has affirmed that socialism is the ideal of mankind and that socialist society is a society, which represents the future of mind, and a genuine society for the people. Although the socialist idea is the ideology of the working class, it does not represent the interests of one class alone; it is a universal idea for humanity, which reflects the social nature of human beings. Socialism is not only an idea for class emancipation but also an idea for national and human liberation, which reflects the desire for independence of all nations and the whole of humanity. Only when they advance along the road of socialism where the popular masses are the masters of everything and everything serves them, can all the people lead a free, equitable and dignified life that is suited to the independent nature of human beings and can all countries and nations free themselves from domination and subjugation, achieve independent development and ensure lasting Peace and security in the word, thus guaranteeing the survival and Progress of humanity.
By confirming the veracity and validity of the cause of socialism and the inevitability of its final victory, the Pyongyang Declaration is infusing the revolutionary people of the word who aspire after independence with confidence in victory and a revolutionary fighting spirit, while representing a serious setback for the imperialists and reactionaries who are waging a frantic anti-socialist campaign, talking about the "end" of socialism.
The fact that well over a hundred parties have signed the Pyongyang Declaration and that the revolutionary people around the word are responding to it proves irrefutably that the socialist idea contained in the Pyongyang Declaration reflects the desires and aspirations of progressive humanity. The revolutionary parties will be able to strengthen their internationalist unity and solidarity based on the common idea and dynamically promotes the cause of socialism when they wage a struggle with the Pyongyang Declaration as their common fighting programmed.
The internationalist unity and solidarity of the revolutionary parties must be achieved on the basis of independence. There is no need to establish an imitational center of leadership since each country is conducting the revolution under different circumstances and conditions and the party of each country is acting independently. The revolutionary parties will achieve genuinely internationalist unity only when they establish a comradely relationship on the basis of independence and equality instead of a relationship in which one is higher and the other lower and one dictates and the other is dictated to. It is impermissible in their relationship for revolutionary parties to interfere in the affairs of others and to force their opinions on the other, contrary to the Principles of independence and internationalism.
An urgent, common task facing the revolutionary parties at present is to defend socialism from the counterrevolutionary offensive of the imperialists and reactionaries.
The imperialists and reactionaries are now engaged in vicious maneuver against socialism, but they are destined to be a failure. The revolutionary partied and people the world over are turning out in a new struggle, overweening the temper confusion. It is inevitable for the masses of people to fight against a force if it represses their independence, and the cause of socialism emerges victorious through this struggle. This is a law governing historical development. The imperialists are now behaving arrogantly, but they are in a serious crisis. As the monopolies grow, the reactionary, anti-popular character of modem imperialism becomes mere evident and the discontent of the working people with the corrupt and ailing capitalist society grows as the days go by. The dasher to build an independent, new world under the ideal of independence, Peace and fiendish is becoming more intense among the Progressive people of the world. Although socialism is undergoing an ordeal, these people can change a disadvantageous situation into a favorable one and turn misfortune into a blessing, if they counter the counterrevolutionary offensive of the imperialists and reactionaries with a revolutionary offensive, full of confidence in victory.
Now that the imperialists and reactionaries are concentrating the spearhead of their attack on the socialist countries Which are faithful to revolutionary principles, it is very important for all the revolutionary parties and people to unite and strengthen their internationalist support for and solidarity with the socialist countries. Frustrating the criminal maneuver of the imperialists and reactionaries to isolate, blockade and invade the socialist countries is a common, urgent task for the revolutionary parties and people in their struggle to safeguard socialism.
The imperialists and reactionaries are resorting to every manner of trickery to prevent socialism from reviving in the former socialist countries. This is a scheme to bring the people of these countries under the yoke of domination and subjugation forever. A catastrophic crisis has been created in the countries where capitalism has revived owing to the criminal moves of the imperialists and reactionaries. The crisis these countries are now faced with is not a crisis of socialism but a crisis of revived capitalism, and it shows the irrelevance of the idea of bourgeois revival. The resurgence of socialism is the only way out of the political, economic, ideological and moral confusion and crisis, which are becoming more serious with every passing day in the countries where capitalism has revived.
The imperialists are resorting to every conceivable heinous plot to hold in check the advance towards socialism of the people of those countries which were subjected to national oppression and exploitation in the past and which have now embarked on the building of a new society. This is aimed at preventing them from taking the road to independence. Fighting against the imperialists' moves for trampling downs their rights to independence and for strengthening neocolonial exploitation and plunder of them is an important link in the whole chain of the common struggle for socialism.
In the developed capitalist countries, bipolarization, “the rich getting ever richer and the poor ever poorer”, is intensifying and confrontation is growing, with the social evil becoming more serious owing to the strengthening of monopolies. Accordingly, the oppressed working masses are turning out in the struggle, lifting up their voices calling for the rights to existence, boy and independence.
The victorious advance of the common cause of socialism will be further accelerated when the revolutionary parties and peoples give active support and encouragement to those parties and peoples that are waging an undaunted struggle for socialism under various circumstances and conditions.
It is an important task for the revolutionary parties to form a united front with the democratic political parties and organizations in the struggle to accomplish the cause of socialism. In the implementation of the socialist ideal of opposing exploitation and oppression and realizing the independence of the popular masses, the revolutionary parties, and democratic parties and organizations share similar demands and interests. The socialist cause will be promoted if the revolutionary parties strengthen their unity with all the democratic parties and organizations and cooperate with them actively on the Principle of mutual respect in the joint struggle for the independence of the popular masses in opposition to exploitation and oppression.
If the independence of the popular masses is to be realized, a dyadic anti-imperialist struggle should be launched. The main target of the struggle to defend socialism and achieve global independence is the US and other imperialist reactionary forces. Taking advantage of the destruction of the balance of power in the international arena, the modern imperialists are scheming more viciously than ever before to realize world domination by use of force. Without a struggle against imperialism, it is impossible to realize the aspirations to and desire for independence of the Progressive peoples of the world who are opposed to domination and subjugation and aggression and war. Struggling against imperialist domination and subjugation and aggression and war is a natural demand of the cause for independence of the popular masses, and compromising with the imperialist Policy of diminution is the betrayal of their cause of independence. To maintain a principled stand against imperialism is the bounden duty of revolutionary parties. The revolutionary parties and progressive forces will be able to check and frustrate the imperialists' moves for aggression and war if they regard the struggle against imperialism as their common duty and fight resolutely against it.
The driving force of the struggle to make the whole word independent is the combined anti-imperialist, independent force. The anti-imperialist, independent forces must unite so as to put an end to domination and subordination and interference and pressure by the imperialists, to establish a fair international order based on independence, to eliminate aggression and war and to ensure world peace and security. The imperialists are using all sorts of crafty maneuver to divide the anti-imperialist, independent forces and set them at variance with one another. The anti-imperialist, independent forces can frustrate the imperialists' maneuver for division and alienation and emerge victorious only when they counter their schemes with the strategy of unity. The anti-imperialist, independent forces can unite, transcending differences in social systems, political views, ideas and religious beliefs, nations and races because they have a common desire for independence, peace and fiendish.
Should all the anti-imperialist, independent forces, including the socialist countries, the international communist and working-class movements, the national-liberation movement, the Non-aligned Movement and the world peace movement, unite in the struggle they can put an end to imperialist diminution and interference and build an independent, new world.
The cause of independence, the cause of socialism, of the popular masses is a sacred one for making the ideal of humanity the reality. To unite and struggle for the victory of the cause of independence, the cause of socialism, of the popular masses is the revolutionary parties' honorable duty to history and their peoples. The current complex and difficult situation makes it necessary for the revolutionary parties to fight resolutely in firm unity, filled with a conviction in victory and an indefatigable revolutionary parties across the world for the victory of the cause of independence, the cause of socialism, of the popular masses, and will discharge its noble mission and responsibility for the Korean revolution and the world revolution.


[ Fri Oct 10, 06:37:43 PM | Juche Idea Study Group England | edit ]
ON SOME PROBLEMS IN EDUCATION IN JUCHE IDEA
URL: http://www.korea-dpr.com/jisge/database/KJI.html
　
On Some Problems of Education in the Juche Idea
(July 15, 1986)




Equipping the Party in embers and other working people fully with the Juche idea is now vital to our Party. I would like to speak about some problems arising in educating them in the Juche idea.
Education in the Juche idea means education in the monolithic ideology of our Party. It is an undertaking to until in the Party members and other working people the Juche idea, the gelding ideology of our Party, and bon them to be genuinely commonest revolutionaries of the Juche type. The Korean communist revolutionaries are true revolutionaries who have accepted the Juche idea as their true faith and are devoted to the struggle to accomplish the cause of Juche. It is only when we intensify their education in the Juche idea that the Party members and other working people can acquire the ideological and spiritual tilts and quelled of the communist revolutionary of the Juche type and fight devotedly for the sacred cause of realizing independence for the poplar masses.
The Juche idea is the Party's unshakable ideology that guides our revolution to victory. Only when we adhere to the Juche idea can we accomplish our Party's revolutionary cause of realizing independence for the masses.
The revolution aims to bring independence to the popular masses. The revolutionary character of an ideology is denned by the degree of firmness with which it champions man's independence and by the degree of scientific accuracy with which it elucidates the way that man's independence can be realized. The Juche idea is a complete revolutionary ideology in that it considers the fundamental aim of the revolution to be the avocation and realization of independence, which is the life and soul of a man as a social being, and asserts that the revolution should be pursued through to the end until independence is fully realized. The Juche idea is a prefect revolutionary doctrine' it shows the way for people to become absolute masters of the world and of their own destiny by completely transfusing nature, society and human beings themselves in accordance with the essential social quality of men who want to live and develop independently, as well as the way for the lasting happiness and Prosperity of mankind to be achieved.
The Juche idea is a fully scientific revolutionary doctrine for man's emancipation, primarily because it is based on an outlook on the world that is centered on man. The great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung has established a man-centred Philosophical outlook on the word for the first time in history, an Outlook which places man in the position of master of the world and clarifies the essence of the world and the laws governing its change and development.
When we say that the Juche idea is a man-centred outlook on the world, some people think that it stresses only man's subjective desires, ignoring the objective world. This is a serious misunderstanding. We said that the world should be viewed with man at the center. We have never said that we should view man alone.
Why, then, should we view the word with man at the center? It is because man is the most developed material being, holds the position of master in the world, and plays the decisive role in the development of the world and in shaping his own destiny.
Man has a common basis with other living organisms in that he, too, is a living material being which came into existence in the long course of the evolution of nature. Nevertheless, there are qualitative differences in the levels of the development of man and other organisms. For dries reason, there are fundamental differences between man's position and role in the world and those of other material beings.
Man, not nature, holds the position of master in the material world. Man is the only independent being in the material word. Animals can survive only by dapping themselves to nature. Therefore, they cannot be called master of their own dashy, Animals are Pat of nature and their dashy is defended by the natural laws of change and development, whereas man is the powerful master of the wand Who, on the basis of a scientific understanding of these natural laws, transforms nature to meet his own needs and hamsters it in his service. Man is not a being which obeys the natural laws of change and development and casts in his lot with nature; he is a social being who shapes his own dashy independently and creatively in accordance with the laws of social movement, the laws peculiar to human society. The greater man's creative role grows in transfusing nature, the higher his position as the master of the world rises, and the better the material word surrounding him is changed to serve him.
Since man is the only creative being that changes the word purposefully to meet his needs, he not only holds the position of master in the world, but plays the decisive role in transfusing and developing the world.
That man holds the position of master in the would and plays the decisive role in the development of the world is the Juche-orientated view on today's world. Without considering roan's position as master in the world and his creative role in transfusing the word, it wou1d be impossible to understand how far the word has developed and how and in which director it will develop in the future.
Inasmuch as man's destiny is defended by his relationship with the world, the fact that he holds the position of master in the world and plays the decisive role in its development means that he is the master of his own destiny and as such plays the decisive role in shaping his destiny. Therefore, the Principle of the Juche philosophy which clarifies man's position and role in the world is the Principle that shows the way man can shape his own destiny.
The basic mission of the philosophical outlook on the world is to show the way for man to shape his own destiny. The basic aim of all his cognitive and practical activities is to forge his destiny. So, the aim and mission of philosophy must reflect this. Man endeavors to understand what the essence of the world is, not for the sake of mere knowledge, but, ultimately, to discover the way to shape his dashy. In other weds, man is vitally interested in understanding what the word is, because he cannot know about his own destiny unless he knows something about the world. It can be argued, therefore, that the progressive nature and vitality of a world outlook are defended, in the final analysis, by how effetely it shows the way for man to shape his destiny. The basic characteristics and the unchallenged superiority of the word outlook of the Juche philosophy lie in the fact that, on the basis of the philosophical Principle elucidating man's position and role in the world, it shows the most scientific, fundamental methods of shaping man's destiny.
In order to clarify man's position and roe in the world, it is necessary to clarify the general characteristics of the material word and also the essential qualities of man. Mere knowledge of either of these two factors is not enough to make man's position and role in the material word clear.
The philosophical outlook on the world in the past clarified the Principle of materialism that the word is made of material, and the dialectical principle that the world is undergoing constant change and development. These philosophical principles revealed the general characteristics of the material world, but they are not enough to clarify man's position and role in the world.
The basic mission of a world outlook is, in essence to elucidate man's position and role in the word. Therefore, if materialism and dialectics are to fulfil their mission as a world outlook, they must not only show that the world is med of material and undergoes constant change and development, but also clarify that man, the most developed material being, holds the position of master in the world and plays the decisive role in its development. The ginned principles of dialectical materialism alone are not enough to solve the quashing of man's essential qualities and his position and role in the world, but they must not be ignored when giving a full answer to this question.
However, as matters now stand, some officials misunderstand the Juche philosophy and believe that it has nothing to do with the general Principles of dialectical materialism because it is a man-centered Philosophy. The Juche philosophy considers man in relation to the other material beings which are not as highly developed, instead of separating him from the material word and regarding him in isolation. Thus it clarifies the essential features of man and his position and role. Clearly, it conforms to the basic principles of materialism and diabetics that man, the most developed material being, holds the position of master over the less developed martial beings and that the movement of man, the movement of the most developed material being, plays a greater role than the movement of the lower-grad material beings in the advancement of the word. The Juche Philosophy has not discarded the principles of materialism and dialectics.
On the contrary, it can be argued that it has perfected dialectical materialism by scientifically indicating the prominent position and role of man in the material world, based on the principles 'of materialism and dialectics.
The position and role of man in the world can only be clarified on the basis of the philosophical elucidation of the general characteristics of the material world and the essential fibs of man. Therefore, the man-centered Philosophical world outlook comprises all the principles which elucidate the general characteristics the material world, the essential features of man and his position and role in the world. For this reason, it can be said that the Juche outlook on the world is a philosophical word outlook which has overcome the one-sidedness of the philosophical world outlook of the past and given the most profound and comprehensive answers to the questions of the essence of the world and of man's destiny.
Proceeding from the philosophical principle that man occupies the position of master in the word and Plays the decisive role in advancing the world and in shaping his own destiny, the Juche idea demands that man should always be regarded as the central factor, that everything should be approached from an independent point of view and that all cavities 8hould be creative so as to contribute to enhancing the position and floe of man' This is the reason why independence and creativity should be the fundamental stand and method which must be adhered to in all cumulative and practical activates.
The essence of society and the laws governing its change and development can be understood fully only by focusing on man. Society consists of people the social wealth they have created and the social relations which link them. Here man is always the master. Both social wealth and social relations are created by man. Therefore, social wealth is created and social relations are improved in line with the development of man's independent drinking and creative ability.
Social movement is the movement of man which is caused and promoted by man. Man is the factor which brings about social movement and the motive force behind dries movement. In conformity with the level of the development of his independence, creativity and consciousness, man proceeds with the creative movement to transform nature and society and advances social movement to shape his own destiny. Of course, man cannot create history in disregard of the objective conditions. But the objective conditions are not immutable; they can be changed in favour of man through his creative activates. It is not the objective conditions but man that plays the decisive role in the development of history.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung has always instructed us that we should discover the cause of success or failure in our work within ourselves and should indemnify objectively what is to be done. The basic cause of success or failure in the revolution and construction lies in man who carries them out, not in the objective conditions. However, the revolution and construction are man's creative activities to transform the objective world to meet his needs. Therefore these undertakings can be successful only when man uses the Proper methods which have been worked out on the basis of a scientific calculation of the characteristics of the obsessive world and the laws of its movement. If we are to expand the creative role of the popular masses in the revolution and construction, it is incessancy to bring their revolutionary zeal and creativity into full play. At the same time, it is essential to combine this work with a proper strategy and tactics that suit the obsessive word and conditions.
Based on the philosophical principle which clarifies the position and role of man in the word, the Juche idea not only provides a correct outlook and viewpoint on nature, society and man, but also demonstrates a perfect revolution theory, strategy and tactics, and leadership theory and methods. For dries very reason, the Juche idea serves as the sole guide to all the activities of our Party. In our Party there cannot and need not be any other idea but the Juche idea. Therefore, we say that the Juche idea is the monolithic ideology of our Panty.
Some of our officials, however, still do not understand clearly that the Juche idea is the monolithic ideology of our Party. That is why they regard our Party's Juche idea as something that is contrary to Marxism-Leninism or they believe that class education or educator in revolutionary traditions is one thing, and that education in the Juche idea is another. As I have emphasized more than once, the Juche idea inherits all the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is a valuable revolutionary riches which the working masses gained in their hard-fought revolutionary struggle. Why should the Juche idea, which advocates a complete realization of man's independence and the successful conclusion of the revolution, abandon the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism? It does not abandon the ideological and theoretical achievements of Marxism-Leninism, but further develops and enriches them as required by historical progress.
Naturally, development involves two aspect-sontinuity and renovation. It is a metaphysical view to consider only one aspect. The development of a revolutionary idea also involves the two aspects of continuity and renovation.
The basic mission of a revolutionary idea is to explain the aim of evolutionary movement and the way it should be conducted. Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary idea of the working class, considers it the ultimate aim of the revolutionary struggle to build a communist society in which everyone, free from exploitation and oppression of man by man, is equally Prosperous. It also explains that, in order to attain this aim, it is necessary to struggle using a proper strategy and tactics based on the objective laws of social development. From the point of view of the mission of revolutionary ideas, the Juche idea and Marxism-Leninism are one and the same scientific, communist idea, and as such they share common ground. The Juche idea inherits the revolutionary stance of the working class, Naturalistic and dialectical principles and scientific theories which run through Marxism-Leninism. But today, in comparison to the period when the founders of Marxism-Leninism were active, the independence, creativity and consciousness of the masses who undertake the revolution have increased greatly, and their position and role in social development have also developed greatly. So there is a need to develop the theory and methods of revolution creatively to meet the needs of the new historical situation. This is an important matter.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung said that in today's new historical conditions we should construe Lenin's propulsion-Soviet power plus electrification equals communism as meaning that the people's government plus the three revolutions is communism. We understand that by e1ectrification Lenin was stressing the need for highly developed material and technical foundations of communism. Comrade Kim IL sung instructed us that in order to build a communist society we must capture the ideological fortress, as well as the material fortress, and give Precedence to ideology.
Capturing the material fortress of communism is an undertaking that harnesses nature, to meet the demands of communalism. The endeavors to capture the ideological fortress are the work of reforming human beings, the masters of society, so as to meet the requirements of corniness. Socialism and communism are built by men, for men. In order to build communism, it is incessancy, first of all, to reform the people, the masters of society, along communist lines. If we are to capture the material fortress of communism, we must press ahead with the technological revolution; in order to conquer the ideological fortress, we must accelerate ideological and cultural revolutions.
The course of building socialism and communism is the course of steadily improving social relations so that man's independence and creativity can be made more effective at the same time as strengthening the material and technical foundations of society, whilst the people's ideological and cultural levels are rising. The people's government, managing the social life in a unified manner, plays the decisive role in ensuring that the masses hold the position of masters of society and play their role as such. Only by enhancing the function and role of the people's government shall we be able to rationalize social relations, constantly enhance the position and role of the masses in society and ensure that socialism and communism are built successfully.
In socialist society, where the exploiting classes have been eliminated and state power is in the hands of the masses, the question of reorganizing social relations along communist lines whilst capturing the material and ideological fortresses of communalism can be solved smoothly by the people's government.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung defined the general line of building socialism and communism after the establishment of the socialist system as the implementation of the ideological, technological, and cultural revolutions while strengthening the people's government. This is a living example which shows us how we should creatively develop the revolutionary theory of the working class in conformity with the new historical circumstances. The Juche idea categorically rejects narrow-minded chauvinism in ideology. It fairly evaluates and assimilates those ideas capable of making even the smallest contribution to enhancing man's position and role in the world, with no regard to which nation or people have evolved them.
Our Party does not need any ideological system other than the system of the Juche idea, and in our Party there can be no ideological education which is not concerned with education in the Juche idea. Nevertheless, some propaganda workers are planning Party ideological education by defining the Percentage of education in the Juche idea, of class education and of education in revolutionary traditions. This shows that they still drink as if there were some ideological education other than education in the Juche idea.
Of course, class education, education in the Party's policies, education in revolutionary traditions, education in socialist patriotism and many other forms Of ideological education do not have just the same content as education in the principles of the Juche idea. But all of them are a link in the whole chain of ideological education to instill in the people the Juche idea, the monolithic ideology of our Party. In short, the basic aim of education in the Juche idea is to equip the popular masses, the subject of the revolution, with the revolutionary idea of independence, ensure the unity of the idea and purpose in the revolutionary ranks, and encourage the masses to maintain their position as masters and play their role as such in the revolution and construction. Al the work of ideological education that our Party conducts should contribute to strengthening the revolutionary rank from an organizational and ideological point of view and to raising the independent and creative role of the masses.
To this end, we should conduct all forms of ideological education including education in loyalty, in combination with the basic principles of the Juche idea. We must solve even the question of class-consciousness and of socialist Patriotism on the basis of the fundamental principles of the Juche idea. Only then can all ideological education be consistent with the Juche idea of our Party and be carried out to meet the basic requirements of the Juche idea, that is, to strengthen the subject of the revolution and enhance it, role. F6r this reason, call all forms of our Party's ideological education the ideological education in Juche. By the same logic we call the revolutionary idea of our Party the Juche idea because its fundamental principles underlie the ideas, theories and methods of our Party.
Some propagandists seem to take education in the Juche idea as meaning only the teaching of the principles of the Juche idea. Of course, they may use the term in such a narrow meaning in order to distinguish it from other forms of ideological education. But, since the Juche idea is the monolithic ideology of our Party we must include all types of our Party's ideological education in education in the Juche idea.
Class education is an important form of education in the Juche idea to strengthen the subject of the revolution. The working class is the core of the subjective force of the revolution. Without leader-ship of the working class, it would be impossible for the popular masses to become united as the subject of the revolution and carry out the revolution to win their independence. The process of building socialism and communism is that of transfused the whole of society on the working-class pattern by reforming nature, 'society and man to meet the needs of the working class, and this process is accompanied by a serious class struggle. It is only when class education is intensified amongst Party members and other working people that they can distinguish friends clearly from enemies and resolutely uphold the revolutionary stand of the working class in the revolution and construction. Moreover, we should concentrate great efforts on class education because we are carrying out our revolution in direct confrontation with the class enemies including the US imperialists who are occupying South Korea, and their stooges.
Education in socialist patriotism, to which our Party attaches impotence at the moment, must also contribute to strengthening the subject of the revolution. Since the revolution takes place within a country individually, the subject of the revolution and construction in each country is always the people of that country. The main duty of our Party and people in relation to the word revolution is to carry out successfully the Korean revolution, the revolutionary duty of our nation. In order to be faithful to the revolution in one's own country, one must first love one's nation and hold it dear. In this sense I advocate the idea of putting our nation first. This idea does not mean that we should look down on other nations, and emphasize the good Points of our nation alone. We communists must on no account be nationalists. Communists are true patriots and true internationalists. When I put forward the our-nation-first idea, I mean that we should carry out revolution and congestion independently, in the spirit of loving our nation first and with a high sense of national pride. Those who despise their own nation and' make a fetish of others cannot be faithful to their party and their People, nor can they have the attitude towards the revolution that befits masters.
We must not harbour any illusions about large countries or developed nations. Illusion is not reality. We must always base ourselves on the specific realities of our country. Large countries or developed nations are not always right, nor do ail their experiences suit the specific situation in our country. We should appreciate the role of large countries and develop friendly relations with them, but we must not abandon independence and follow them blindly. Friendship is necessary for the sake of independence, and genuine friendship can be ensured only when we maintain an independent stand.
The greatness of a nation is by no means attributable to the size of its territory and Population. Just as a man's worth is defined by his ideology, so the greatness of a nation is determined by the greatness of its guiding ideology.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung established the Juche idea and built the revolutionary Part of the Juche type, and has thus created a new period of prosperity for our people, and shown mankind the direct road to independence. That is why progressive People around the world hold our leader in high esteem as a great teacher of mankind and praise our country highly as the "homeland of the Juche idea". We, as a nation, must be Proud, of this. We must be fully determined to carry out the revolution and construction in our own way to meet the needs of our people and to suit the situation in our country, with fervent loyalty to the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung and under the guidance of the Party.
Education in revolutionary traditions should also be conducted on the basis of the fundamental principles of the Juche idea. The subject of the revolution strengthen and develops throughout a long historical process. In this regard, we can say that the subject of the revolution has historical roots. Revolutionary traditions are priceless revolutionary riches gained in the Process of the subject of that revolution springing up from these historical roots and strengthening and developing. Without preserving, continuing and developing these revolutionary riches, it would be impossible to maintain consistency and continuity in the efforts to strengthen the subject of the revolution.
Our Party has achieved the absolute and unconditional unity of the revolutionary ranks behind the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung. Our people are very proud of this revolutionary addition. The leader's warm love and concern for the revolutionary fighters and the example set by the anti-Japanese revolutionary forerunners who entrusted their destiny enthrall to the leader and followed his leadership faithfully, touch the heart of everyone today.
Many obstacles lie in the way of our revolution. In order to complete tiring the succeeding generations the revolutionary cause of Juche pioneered by respected Comrade Kim IL Sung, we must learn and follow the noble revolutionary spirit of the young communalists who, with respected Comrade Kim IL Sung as the center of unity and leadership, fought at the risk of their lives to implement his ideas and policies at the dawn of our revolution. This is the way to maintain the purity of the shining tradition of the unbreakable unity of the leader, the Party and the masses, the unity which our revolutionary forerunners achieved at the cost of their lives, and to strengthen and develop our Party which has grown from deep and strong roots into an eternal revolutionary party, a party which never ceases to struggle.
Our Party's policies are the stodgy and tactics of our revolution to implement the Juche idea. It is only when the education of the Party members and working people in Party policy is intensified that they can cap out the revolutionary struggle and construction program as required by the Juche idea. In the final analysis, the aim of strengthening the subject of the revolution is to encourage the popular masses to throatily implement the Party's policies under the guidance of the Party and the leader. The Process of implementing the Party's policies is none other than the press of revolutionary struggle. We must conduct education in our Party's policies more fully so that all Party members and working people will clearly understand the validity and vitality of these policies and work with a high degree of revolutionary enthusiasm and creativity in order to put them into effect.
Bearing in mind that all' forms of ideological education conducted by our Party are geared towards education in the Juche idea, our propaganda workers must improve the standard of this education, in close harmony with the principles of the Juche idea, so that the Part members and working people will have a deep understanding of its essence and firmly maintain the attitude that befits the masters in the revolution and construction.
The most important aspect of education in the Juche idea is that the Party members and working people should have a full under standing of the subject of the revolution and firmly establish a revolutionary attitude regarding the leader.
In order to remain faithful to the revolutionary cause the Party members and working people must, first of all, have a proper view of the subject of the revolution.
The popular masses are the subject of history, but they are not always an independent subject, able to shape their destiny independency and creatively. In a society ruled by the exploiting classes, the masses were exploited and oppressed by the minority ruling classes and they did not hold the position of the masters of history. Of course, it was the popular masses who advanced history in that society, too, but they had to bear a heavy burden of creating history, not according to there own will but, in most cases, according to the will of the ruling classes. The masses who have such a status cannot claim to have become the independent subject of history.
It was not until an advanced industrial working class emerged and the working masses were awakened and organized under the influence of its revolutionary ideas of independence that the independent subject of history was able to make its full appearance on the stage of history. It was a turning point in the development of human history. Since then, the working masses, with the revolutionary ideas of independence, have been able to shape their own destiny.
For the popular reassess to be an independent subject of the revolution, they must be united into one organization with one ideology under the guidance of the party and the leader. Only the messes, who are united in this way, can shape their destiny independently and creatively. The subject of the revolution means the integrated whole of the leader, the party and the masses.
By uniting around the leader into one organization with a single ideology, under the guidance of the party, the masses form a sociopolitical organism which is immortal as an independent being. The Physical life of an individual person is finite, but the integrity of the masses rallied, as an independent socio-political organism is unmoral.
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung clarified for the first time in history that there is socio-political insight distinct from the physical life of individuals. An inamorata socio-political integrity is inconceivable without the existence of the socio-political community which is the integrated whole of the leader, the party and the masses. Only when an individual becomes a member of this community can he acquire immortal socio-political integrity.
Since the socio-political organism consists of many people it needs a focal point which has unified command of the activities of the social organism. Just as a man's brain is the center of his life, so the leader, the top brain in a socio-political comminute, is the center of the life of this community. The leader is called the top brain of the socio-political organism because he is the focal spoilt which directs the life of this organism in a unified manner. The leader is the center which analyses, synthesizes and integrates the interests of the masses and their desire for independence; at the same time, he is the culture which has unified command of their creative activities to put them into effect.
The party is the core of the masses, and it is rallied closely around the leader organizationally and ideologically; it is the pivot of the independent socio-political organism. When individuals are united organizationally and ideologically with the leader, the center of the socio-politica1 organism, through party organizations and share the same destiny with the Party, they will acquire an immortal sociopolitical integrity. It is only when people take an active part in organizational and ideological activities as members of a party organization or a socio-political organization led by the party that they can become more closely tied in kinship with the leader, the center of the socio-political orals, and exalt their socio-political integrity.
Since the leader, the party and the masses are welded into one socio-political organism and share the same destiny, they form a relationship based on revolutionary duty and comradeship, the relationship of he1Ping and loving each other. Revolutionary duty and comradeship help towards uniting individual Persons into a socio- political organism.
So far many people have talked about the value of freedom and equality. The Juche idea also considers them valuable. This is because everybody, as the master of the world, the master of his own destiny and as an independent being, does not want to be subordinated to anyone else. However, the principle of revolutionary duty and comradeship is not on the same level as that of freedom and equality. The relationship of revolutionary duty and comradeship presupposes the relationship of freedom and equality. However, the former does not become established spontaneously simply because the latter exists. We can say that a buyer and seller are on equal terms, but we cannot say that they always love each other as comrades. It is wrong to set the relationship of freedom and equality against that of revolutionary duty and comradeship. It is also a mistake to try to dissolve one into the other.
From the point of view of the social communality as a und, the principle of equality contributes to the fight against subjugation and inequality in personal relationships and to the defence of the independence of individuals, whereas revolutionary duty and comradeship exert a strong influence on uniting people into a socio-political organism sharing one and the same destiny and on defending the independence of the social community. The principle of equality is based on the individualistic outlook on life; it sets the greatest value on the life of individuals. On the other hand, the principle of revolutionary duty and comradeship is based on the collectivist viewpoint on life; it holds the integrity of a socio-political community incomparably dearer than the life of individuals.
Certainly, the socio-political organism, too, is subject to the working of the principle of equality as well as the Principle of revolutionary duty and comradeship. Here, equality between individuals does not contradict revolutionary duty and comradeship. Genuine revolutionary duty and comradeship can exist only when exploitation and oppression of man by man are eliminated and equality between people is ensured. Revolutionary duty and comradeship do not restrict the independence and creativity of man. On the contrary, they ensure them.
If man's independence and creativity are suppressed because the unity of the social community has to be maintained, it will be impossible to achieve genuine unity within the community. On the other hand, if the unity of the community is destroyed in the cause of providing people with independence and creativity, the integrity of the social community, the parent body of the integrity of individuals, will be impaired and thus the individuals themselves cannot be provided with independence and creativity. The unity of the social community should contribute to giving full play to man's independence and creativity. And man's independence and creativity must always refrain from going beyond the bounds of the unity of the community. This means that only through a harmonious combination of the Principles of equality and comradeship can the Problems be solved of giving full play to the independence and creativity of individuals and of cementing the unity of the community. Certainly, this is not an easy task, and certainly the problems do not resolve themselves of their own accord. That is why I have stressed more than once the need for leadership in a social community
Since the leader is the center of the life of a socio-political community, revolutionary duty and comradeship must also be centred on the leader. Revolutionary duty and comradeship find their most noble expression in the relationship between the leader and his men. Within the socio-political organism in which a common destiny is shared by all, the principle of revolutionary duty and comradeship governs the relationship between individuals, too. But in this case the principle is not absolute because none of the individuals is the center of the life of the socio-political community. However, loyalty to the leader and comradeship towards him are absolute and unconditional because the leader, as the top brain of the socio-political organism, represents the integrity of the community.
It is only when the leader, the party and the masses are integrated that they can become an immortal socio-political organism. There fore, they must not be separated from each other or set against each other. Just as the masses who are not guided by the party and the leader cannot be the independent subject of history, so the party and the leader that are divorced from the masses cannot maintain their identity as the political leader who guides historical Progress. Such a leader is not a leader but simply an individual, and such a party is not a party, but a mere group. That is why I have always emphasized that we should not consider the leader, the parity and the masses separately from each other.
We must also fully understand that the leader plays the decisive role in the revolution and construction. Being at the center of unity and leadership, he plays the decisive role in shaping the destiny of the popular masses. This is similar to the brain of a man playing the decisive role in his activities. However, the leader is always the leader of the party and the popu1ar masses, so his role must not be separated from that of the party and the masses. The parts played by the leader, the Party and the masses are always integrated.
Likewise, loyalty to the leader, to the party and to the people is an integrated whole. Loyalty to the leader is inconceivable without loyalty to the party and the people; such selective loyalty cannot be genuine. We must not regard loyalty to the leader as one thing .d the party spirit, working-class spirit, and the spirit to serve the people as something different. Because the leader is the center of the integrity of the party and the popular masses, loyalty to the party and the people must be most clearly expressed in loyalty to the leader. This is why we say that loyalty to the leader is the highest expression of the party, working-class and orientated-orientated spirit.
This is the very reason why we consider that the basic quality of a communist revolutionary of the Juche type consists of a sound revolutionary attitude to the leader and of the appreciation that loyalty to him is the lifeblood of a columnist.
Loyalty to the leader is based on the collectivist outlook on life that the integrity of a socio-political communality is the source of an individual's integrity. It is life that is most valuable to a man. In this regard, his socio-political integrity is more valuable than his physical life, and the integrity of a social community is more precious than an individual's integrity. The integrity of a social community is the basis of an individual's integrity. An individual's loyalty to the leader, to the party and to the masses, which form the parent body of his integrity, is not made on demand, bat emanates from the basic needs of his own socio-political integrity. This loy4ty is for the individual's own sake rather than for somebody else. The Juche idea considers that if a man's life is aimed at satisfying only his physical needs, then it is no different from that of an animal and that if a man's life is isolated from the leader, the party and the masses, it is worthless and contrary to the man's socia1 nature. Commonest revolutionaries of the Juche type find that life is worthwhile and happy in fighting devotedly for the common cause of the independence of the masses, firmly united on the basis of revolutionary duty and comradeship, under the guidance of the party and the leader. Therefore, it can be claimed that a revolutionary attitude to the 1eader is the nucleus of a revolutionary outlook on life.
An analysis of the shortcomings revealed recently in Party activities shows that our officials still lack a full understanding of the subject of the revolution. In particular, their view of the leader as the center of the socio-political organism is not firm. Because they lack the firm revo1utionary determination to share life and death, weal and woe, with the Pap with the leader at its center, they fail in their adherence to the principles of absoluteness and unconditionally in the implementation of the great leader's instructions and the Party's policies, and falter in their work, affected by defeatism and acting from expediency, when they are confronted by difficulties.
When receiving the instructions of the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung and the Party's policies, we must experience great joy and honour before accepting them as our orders and duties, bearing in mind that they are the noblest requirements of life. We must implement them with all our devotion, clearly recognizing that they are the expression of the great affection and high trust placed in us by the maternal Party and paternal leader. Only those who think and act in this way can be called communist revolutionaries of the Juche type who have the proper revolutionary attitude towards the leader.
Defeatism results from the failure to make the ideas of the Party and the leader one's own and to believe in the unquenchable power of the popular masses. Defeatists pin their hopes on their individual intelligence or on chance rather than believing in the Party, the leader and the masses. Those who have the proper revolutionary attitude towards the leader and a correct understanding of the subject of the revolution, will have the rock-solid belief that nothing is impossible when the leader, the Party and the masses are united; therefore, under no circumstances can they lapse into defeatism.
The practices of working perfunctorily and acting from expediency are due, in the final analysis, to the fact that a person has not acquired the proper revolutionary attitude towards the leader. These practices are the expression of a servile sprit and they fundamentally contradict the attitude of masters of the revolution. We are not wage earners but masters of the revolution who are closely related to the Party with the leader at its center and share its fate. Anyone who is convinced of this can never work perfunctorily nor act from expediency.
The worship of the major powers and a dogmatic approach to things foreign are a further expression of a lack of the Proper revolutionary attitude towards the leader. As a matter of principle, revolutionary duty and comradeship should not change according to circumstances and conditions. Children love and respect their parents not because their parents are superior to others nor becau8e the children receive special attention from them, but because the parents gave them life and have brought them up. A man with the sense of revolutionary duty shares the same fate with the leader, the party and the masses, which are the parent body of his integrity, at all times, whatever the circumstances, whether favorable or unfavorable. If a man feels disappointed and thinks badly of his country because it is backward, or betrays his threatened motherland in order to save himself, no-one and no country will consider him a man of conscience. A man with the sense of revolutionary duty wil1 neither worship the major powers nor betray his leader, his party and his motherland, whatever the adversity.
The first thing we must realize is that our leader, not some great man from some other country, won back our lost country by overcoming all the hardships and difficulties in the dark years of Japanese imperialist rule and he has built a prosperous socialist nation in this land. It is our leader who led our people to defeat the Japanese and US imperialists and to honour Chollima Korea. It is also our leader who is leading our people's revolutionary cause for socialist construction and for international reunification to victory even in the difficult circumstances in which we are directly confronted by US imperialism, the ringleader of the world's reactionary forces. All the catmints revolutionaries of Korea have been accorded immortal political integrity by the paternal leader and have been trained under his loving care. Indeed, he is the great teacher of us all and father of our political integrity. Therefore, the loyalty of our Party members and working people to the great leader is untainted, Pure, absolute and unconditional.
In order to maintain our loyalty to the party and to the leader as revolutionary duty by acquiring a sound revolutionary attitude towards the leader, we must have a clear understanding of the great ness of the leader and our Party. When teaching People about this greatness, emphasis must be placed on informing them of the greatness of the Party's and the leader's ideas and theories, of their leadership and of their ideological and mental qualities.
At the moment Party organizations are conducting a great deal of education in the leader's virtues. However, this education alone cannot give Party members and working people a clear understanding of the leader's greatness. Our leader is endowed with the noblest popular qualities and communist virtues. However, in order to train Party members and working people to be genuine communist revolutionaries with a firm Juche-orientated revolutionary world outlook, we must first instill in them the greatness of the leader's ideas, theories and leadership.
Respected Comrade Kim IL Sung is a great thinker and theoretician who has evolved the immortal Juche idea, and a great statesman who has been guiding our people wisely along the intrude path of socialism and communism under the difficult and complex circumstances in which we are in direct confrontation with US imperialism. Progressive people in many countries throughout the world are now learning from the immortal Juche idea created by respected Comrade Kim IL Sung and regard him highly as a great teacher.
If Party members and working People are to acquire a clear understanding of the greatness of the leader's ideas and guidance, they should be encouraged to study his works closely. This is important.
The works of the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung are the crystallization of the ideas, theories and methods of Juche and elucidate all the theoretical and practical problems which arise in the revolution and construction and the specific ways in which they can be solved. His works summarize the breadth and depth of all the valuable experience gained and the brilliant achievements made by our people in the arduous and complex struggle under the leadership of the Party; they give a full explanation of the fundamental principles and the strategy and tactics by which we must be guided. They are an encyclop